;co

;cvi

KM

;co

rco

FRQM-THE-LIBRARY-OF TRINITYCOLLEGETORDNTO

SOME REMARKS

UPON

THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

OF THE

ANCIENT CHURCHES

OF

PIEDMONT.

BY PETER ALLIX, D. D.

A NEW EDITION.

OXFORD,

AT THE CLARENDON PRESS.

MDCCCXXI.

102462

25 1978

TO

THE KING.

May it please your Majesty,

your Majesty, following the example of your glorious ancestors, did not think it an honour to maintain the Reformed Religion, I should never have undertaken to present your Majesty with a treatise of this nature. This defence of the ancient Churches of the Valleys of Piedmont, is a kind of apology for the Reformation brought about in the century last past, in which those heroes of your name had so great a part. The Reformation, right ly considered, consists only in the rejecting of what for many ages has been superadded to the Christian religion. The conduct of the ancient Churches of the Valleys of Pied mont has served for a model to our Reform ers, and has justified their undertaking, see ing they have always preserved amongst them the sacred truths of the Christian religion committed to them, as they had received them from the disciples of the Apostles, and rejected the corruptions thereof, according as by degrees they broke forth in the west.

a 2

iv THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.

This hath been the only thing that hath made them the object of the hatred of the Church of Rome, and hath drawn upon them, for so many ages, such prodigious floods of perse cution. It is very true, that the wretched remains of these ancient Churches appear too contemptible to attract the eyes of the Princes of the earth towards them ; their pre sent desolation seeming so universal, that the world looks upon them no otherwise than ir recoverably lost, and finally destroyed. But all Europe knows, that your Majesty does not judge of things according to the corrupt maxims of the world, but the true light of the Gospel, which informs us, that outward prosperity is not entailed on the true Church; that Jesus Christ owns those only for his disciples, who take up their cross, and follow him ; that he knows how to frustrate the hopes of their persecutors, by miraculously supporting and continuing his Church, whilst they suppose themselves to have finally triumphed over it. This is that your Ma jesty gave a high proof of, when, from your Royal Throne, you were pleased to cast an eye on the miserable estate of that little flock of dispersed Christians, in affording them an happy retreat in your dominions, as to the ancient professors of pure Christianity, and the faithful witnesses of those saving truths

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY. v

which all Protestants do profess. What marks of your charity and compassion have they not received ? And of what efficacy hath not this great example of your Majesty been, to oblige your subjects to give them fresh in stances of their brotherly love and affection towards them? Thus, Great Sir, whilst you make good the character of a Prince, who draws the eyes of all the world upon him, by the greatness of his exploits, by the steadi ness of his conduct, and by the moderation of his government, you, at the same time, bear the impress of a Prince truly Christian, full of zeal for the interests of his Saviour, and of compassion for those who suffer for the sake of his Gospel. This being a truth so generally owned, I have taken the boldness to lay at your Majesty's feet, and publish under your august name, the defence of these illustrious confessors of the truth, whom their enemies have endeavoured to bear down with their calumnies, after having borne them down with the violence of their horrid and bloody persecutions. God hath so miracu lously raised your Majesty for the rescuing of the Protestant religion from the destruction ready prepared for it, and which had been infallible, without the vigilance and heroical courage of your Majesty; that those who suffer for it, suppose they may have leave

vi THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.

thus to address your Majesty, whilst they comfort themselves in their sufferings, with the prospect of that powerful safeguard and support God hath provided for his poor dis tressed and afflicted Church, in the person of your Majesty, as an evident mark of his fa vour and protection. May the great God, who has so tenderly preserved your Majesty against all the attempts and machinations of your enemies, and hitherto has made you triumph with so much glory over them, con tinue to pour forth on your Majesty the choicest of his blessings and favours, crown with a glorious success the great undertakings of your Majesty for the good of your subjects, for the advantage of Europe, and for the comfort of all those who profess the truth ; are the ardent prayers constantly presented to God by him who is, with a most profound respect,

Your Majesty's

Most humble and obedient

Subject and servant,

P. ALLIX.

THE PREFACE.

JL HE Bishop of Meaux has lately published a treatise, entitled. The History of the Variations of Protestants. He had formed the draught of it some years ago, to engage the French court to recall the Edict of Nantes, without any scruple or hesitation. The pretence seemed very plausible: the Clergy, who were both party and judge against the Protest ants, were to declare, that forasmuch as the French Protestants had changed their belief, the court was no longer obliged to the observation of an edict which Henry IV. had granted to their ancestors, who were of other principles. But this edict being recalled before the Bishop's work was finished, and the French court, which is not guilty of being over scrupulous, not thinking itself to stand in need of so vain a pretence, the Bishop was fain to employ his work to another use. His design therefore in the present publishing thereof is to deceive those, who by ways of violence have been made to enter into the bosom of the Romish Church, and whom the same violence keeps there, against the sense of their conscience.

This Prelate had before endeavoured, in his Ex position of the Roman Faith, where he employs his utmost artifice to sweeten, disguise, and dissem-

a 4

viii THE PREFACE.

ble the matters and difficulties in controversy, to abuse the Protestants, in order to make them more easily digest the Roman religion, than they are apt to do when they view it in its natural colours. And now in this his History of their Variations, he endeavours to represent to them the belief of the Reformers, and most illustrious Protestant Doctors, in the strangest colours imaginable ; that those whom the dragoons have converted to the Roman faith might look upon the force that has been made use of to drive them from so detestable a commu nion as a saving and charitable violence. It is al ways the same spirit of falsification and juggling that animates and guides him.

In this his last design, it had been natural for him, had his intention been right, to have endea voured to make out, that the Protestants, or their teachers, were divided in their belief of the articles of the Creed ; about the object of prayer, and the necessity thereof; about the necessity of obedience to the commands of God, as well as the extent of that obedience ; and about the doctrine and number of the sacraments : for in these points it is that the Protestants make the essence of their religion to consist. Now it is well known, that in all these they do agree: the questions that are ventilated among them being, like those questions that re mained among the primitive Christians, upon se veral points of divinity; and some of them being no other than mere controversies, about which the Protestants have learnt to divide themselves in imitation of the Schools of the Romish Divines. But had the Bishop followed this method, he would

THE PREFACE. ix

have failed of his end ; wherefore he thought it suf ficient for his purpose slightly to touch the matters in controversy, and to put into good French whatso ever he could rake together from the writings of those of his communion, to expose the first Reform ers, and to make the Reformation odious.

It would be an affront put upon the age we live in, to imagine that this thick laying on of paint should be capable to impose upon any that have never so little judgment left. The Bishop may please to flatter himself with the success of his first work, the Exposition of the Romish Faith : but I believe him too sincere not to own, that he has made no impression upon the spirit of any Protest ants, save such only who were ready to embrace the first pretences that were offered, to rid themselves of a religion that exposed them to so many miseries ; or the profession whereof hindered their settlement in the world. Those who have been forced to be come Papists against their consciences have found by experience, that it was not sufficient for them to subscribe the Exposition of the Bishop of Meaux: No: their persecutors were not at all minded to make them of his religion ; but they were fain to swallow whole and entire the Profession of Faith drawn up by Pius IV.

And we may assure the Bishop, that the same will be the lot of this present work, which he has entitled, The History of the Variations of the Pro testants in Matters of Faith. For let us suppose that this Prelate has very well proved what he pre tends to make out, what will follow from hence, but only this ; that the Reformers were not infallible ;

x THE PREFACE.

that they did not at first reject all that deserved to be censured as Popery; that some difficulties have been met with in the hypothesis of those who were not happy enough to refine and clear such corrupt matters ; in a word, that they did not at first dis cover all that was to be known and believed as to several points of divinity, and that they were fain to take a great deal of pains in the discovery of that truth which the Roman Church had taken so much pains to obscure and confound ? We will suppose a Protestant casuist at this time to write about matters of conscience, and, for want of examining with suf ficient care the decisions of licentious casuists, to follow some of them, being seduced by the false principles of these Roman casuists, which the Bi shop of Meaux condemns ; will it follow, that an hundred and fifty years after this some other Bi shop of Meaux will have right to propose, under the title of Protestant Variations, the mistaken opinion of this casuist, though afterwards his party, perceiving the delusion, have declared against his opinion ?

The Bishop is very pleasant in forbidding the Protestants to make use of the way of recrimination against the Church of Rome, in this point of vari ation, though indeed one only instance of variation in faith, of fifty whereof we can convince them, be a sufficient conviction of a Church which pretends herself to be immoveable, because infallible. But being very sensible of the weakness of his cause in this point, he found he should be obliged, either to acknowledge that his Church is a false Church, and much more deserving that censure than the Protest-

THE PREFACE. xi

ant, as having been subject to a far greater number of variations in her belief; or else that he would be obliged to make use of the same answer we do, in renouncing the infallibility of his Church. But it is no matter of wonder, if by degrees only we come to the perfect knowledge of the truth.

Moreover, is it not a very pleasant method, to re duce the dispute to the examination of some pre liminaries, whereas the ground itself has been dis puted above these hundred and fifty years.

In a word, whatsoever the Reformers may have been, yet it is but just that the Church of Rome, being accused of heresy, idolatry, and tyranny, should clear herself of these accusations. Whatsoever may have been the carriage of Constantinus Copro- nymus, how can the manners of that emperor be concerned in the question, Whether the worship ping of images be contrary to the law of God? The reformation of Jehu, king of Israel, did it cease to be a reformation from Ahab's idolatry, though he himself were a wicked person and an hypocrite, and though he did the thing but imperfectly?

In truth, the care the Bishop of Meaux has taken in his Preface and whole book, to represent to us the immutability of his Church, and her constancy in matters of faith and worship, has opened so fair a field to his antagonists, whom he attacks about the histo ry of the Reformation in the several parts of Europe, and particularly in France, that he could not reason ably expect but to be opposed by them on all sides, with all the vigour imaginable. There are still some Lutherans, who have already made it appear, they

xii THE PREFACE.

are not at all afraid of the reproaches of a party, whose head that condemned them, Leo X. was an avowed atheist, and who looked upon the Gospel to be no better than a fable. There are French Pro testants left still, whom Providence has delivered from the bloody hands of the Bishops of France, to maintain the interest of the Reformation ; neither does England want able divines sufficient to repel all the Bishop of Meaux's slanders. After all, I hope the Bishop will give us leave to examine a little the constancy of his Church, as to her faith and worship.

In expectation therefore that the several authors, whom the Bishop of Meaux has been pleased to assault, will give him full satisfaction; which as it is no hard matter for them to do, so I question not but they will do it very suddenly : I thought I might take to task one of his books, viz. the XI. wherein he treats concerning the Albigenses and the Wal- denses; and forasmuch as therein he has carried calumny to the highest degree imaginable, I thought it was my duty, in examining this part of his book, to give a scantling of his fair dealing, and the sin cerity he employs in delivering the history of those two ancient Churches, to whom the reformed party are so much obliged.

I know well enough that the strength of our de fence does not depend on the justifying of those Churches. Let the Albigenses have been Mani- chees, as the Bishop pretends to prove them ; let the Waldenses have been only a company of schis matics, as the Bishop is pleased to call them ; the

THE PREFACE. xin

grounds of the Reformation will remain just and firm for all that, if the foundation of our reasons holds good, and if the Church of Rome be guilty of the errors, idolatry, and tyranny, whereof we accuse her. But I conceived, 1. That it was well becoming a Christian to undertake the defence of innocence, oppressed and overborne by the blackest calumnies the Devil could ever invent. 2. That we should be ungrateful towards those whose sufferings for Christ have been so beneficial to his Church, should we not take care to justify their memory, when we see it so maliciously bespattered and torn. 3. That to justify the Waldenses and Albigenses is indeed to defend the Reformation and Reformers, they having so long before us, with an exemplary courage, endeavoured to preserve the ancient Christian religion, which the Church of Rome all this while has endeavoured to abolish, by substituting a bastard and supposititious Christianity instead thereof. Whilst the Ministers of the Church of Rome think fit to follow his con duct, who was a liar and murderer from the begin ning; innocence ought at least to have leave to de fend herself against their calumnies, whilst she wil lingly resigns to God the vengeance of the injustice and violence of those who have oppressed her.

It is not my design here to write the whole his tory of the Waldenses and Albigenses; that has been done already in several parts, by four or five famous authors, whose books are in all hands ; I mean Chassagnon, Perrin, the most learned Archbishop of Armagh, Giles Leger, and Morland. If any thing may be added to their writings, it is concerning the

xiv THE PREFACE.

original of those Churches, their condition before the twelfth century, and their total ruin about two or three years ago.

It is for those that live in the neighbourhood of Piedmont, and who have received into their bosom the miserable remains of those so pure and so an cient Churches, to preserve the memory of so dread ful a desolation. I hope also that their piety and zeal will prompt them to search with all the exact ness possible, for what may serve to continue the sequel of the history of the Churches of the Valleys of Piedmont, since the time where Morland and Leger end their works. I am persuaded also, that those who have undertaken to write an account of the ruin of the Churches of France, will not forget to set down the particulars of that persecution, which has destroyed the flourishing flocks of the province of Languedoc, a country where the Reformation met with so easy a reception at first, because of the remainders of the doctrine of the Albigenses, who had dwelt there for so long a time.

What I undertake in these my reflections is only this ; to set down the true antiquity of both these Churches, who were so famous in the thirteenth century, because of the opposition they made against the corruptions which the Romish Church had in troduced in matters of faith, worship, and the go vernment of the Church. And as they then main tained, that they derived their original from the Apostles, so I hope to make out, that in so doing they advanced nothing which is not exactly con formable to the history of the ages past, from the

THE PREFACE. xv

time of the Apostles to the thirteenth century. This is that I shall endeavour, by making out the suc cession of these Churches, as well with respect to their doctrine and worship, as with respect to their ministry.

As this design will engage me in the discussion of a great number of authors, who have lived from the time of the Apostles to the said thirteenth cen tury, so it will be difficult to give so smooth a form to these observations, as might be expected in a con tinued history. In this case it is unavoidable, but the discourse will prove here and there dry and rug ged, what pains soever may be taken to the con trary. But to make amends for this, we may pro mise, that the judicious reader, who is only inquest of truth, will find abundantly wherewith to satisfy himself, by examining the matters of fact set down in these observations.

I shall treat of the history of each of these Churches in particular, and observe much the same method in the one as the other; and am not without hope, that the remarks I shall make will serve to confound the injustice of those, who, though they know that what the Protestants believe and prac tise is truly apostolical, cease not to wrangle and prevaricate, upon pretence that we cannot shew them any Church before the Reformation, or at least be fore the twelfth century, which has absolutely de fended the same opinions as we do. This also will be of use to strengthen the faith of Protestants, who will perceive from thence, that God, according to his promise, hath never left himself without wit-

xvi THE PREFACE.

ness, as having preserved in the bosom of these two Churches most illustrious professors of the Chris tian religion, which they held in the same purity with which their predecessors had received this pre cious pledge from the hand of those apostolical men, who at first planted these Churches among the Alps and Pyrenaean mountains, that they might be ex posed to the view of four or five kingdoms all at once. I begin with the Churches of Italy.

THE

CONTENTS.

CHAP. I.

CONCERNING the first rise and original of the Churches of Italy - - - P. 1

CHAP. II.

The state of the Christian religion in the diocese of Italy, until the end of the fourth century - 6

CHAP. III.

Opinions of authors of the diocese of Italy, in the fourth century, concerning matters of faith and worship 14

CHAP. IV.

Concerning the faith of the Churches of the diocese of Italy during the fifth century - 24

CHAP. V.

Opinions of the Churches of Italy during the sixth cen tury - - 28

CHAP. VI.

Opinions .of the diocese of Italy during the seventh cen tury - 35

CHAP. VII.

Some reflections upon the Liturgy of this diocese, called the Ambrosian Liturgy - 38

CHAP. VIII.

Opinions of the Churches of Italy during the eighth cen tury 48

CHAP. IX.

Opinions of the Churches of Italy, during the ninth cen tury - 62

b

ii CONTENTS.

CHAP. X.

The faith of the Churches of Italy in the tenth century 87 CHAP. XI.

An inquiry into the opinions of Gundulphus and his fol lowers, before the year 1026* - 102

CHAP. XII.

Reflections upon some practices of the Churches of the diocese of Italy - 110

CHAP. XIII.

That the diocese of Italy was an independent diocese, till after the midst of the eleventh century - - 119

CHAP. XIV.

Concerning the separation of the Churches of the diocese of Italy from the Church of Rome; and of the faith of the Paterines - 129

CHAP. XV.

Concerning the belief of the Manichees ; of their rise in Italy, their growth, and their establishment - 141

CHAP. XVI.

Concerning the Cathari spoken of by Evervinus and St. Bernard, and their distinction from the Paterines 152

CHAP. XVII.

A Continuation of the History of the Cathari in Italy, as elsewhere, and their distinction from the Paterines 163

CHAP. XVIII.

That the Paterines and Subalpini were not Manichees, as is evident from their writings, and from their opinions in the twelfth century 174

CHAP. XIX.

That the Churches of Italy were not founded by Peter Waldo - - 191

CHAP. XX.

Whether the Waldenses were at first only schismatics 200

CHAP. XXI. Concerning the state of the Church of Rome, at the time

CONTENTS. iii

of the separation of the Paterines or Waldenses; together with the accusations charged upon them by the said Church, and the idea they had conceived of her 217

CHAP. XXII.

Concerning the belief and conduct of the Waldenses in Bohemia - 231

CHAP. XXIII.

Some instances of the arguments which the Waldenses of Bohemia waged in their disputes with the Church of Rome - - 242

CHAP. XXIV.

Concerning the government of the Churches of the Wal denses, and of the succession of their Ministers 261

CHAP. XXV.

Concerning the persecutions which the Waldenses have suffered since the eleventh century - 280

CHAP. XXVI.

An instance of the calumnies of some Inquisitors 294

CHAP. XXVII.

That the Churches of the Valleys of Piedmont have con stantly persevered in the same faith, until the time of the Reformation - 306

CHAP. XXVIII.

Containing the conclusion of this Treatise - 318

Scriptum Inquisitoris cujuspiam anonymi de Valdensibus, ex codice MS. G. in publica Bibliotheca Cantabrig. 324

Processus Inquisitoris contra Barbam Martinum, ex Cod. MS. H.in Biblioth. publica Cantabr. - 335

Sumptum ex ore Peyronettae - - 347

Processus Inquisitionis contra Peyronettam, ex Codice H. Waldensium in public. Biblioth. Cantabrig. - ibid.

SOME REMARKS

UPON

THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

OF THE ANCIENT

CHURCH OF PIEDMONT.

CHAP. I.

Concerning the Jirst rise and. original of the Churches of Italy.

Jt5Y Italy, I do not understand here the several countries which, at this day, bear that name, but only the seven provinces to which that name was given, by way of distinction, and which constituted a particular government, being particularly under the care of the lieutenant of the western Praetorian Prefect. These provinces were Liguria, Emilia, Flaminia, Venetia, the Alps, both Cottian and Greek, and Rhsetia, or the country of the Grisons. There were three legions amongst the troops of the em pire, which peculiarly had the name of Italic, be cause probably at first they had been raised in that diocese ; whereof Milan was the capital city, and the place of residence of the lieutenant we have just now mentioned.

Baronius takes it for an undoubted truth, that An. si. St. Barnabas, the famous companion of St. Paul inn'54' the work of the ministry, was the first founder of

B

2 Remarks upon tJie

CHAP, the Church of Milan, and of the Churches of Li- '• guria, which he refers to the year 51 of our Saviour Jesus Christ ; that is, to the forty -ninth year, if we rectify his chronology. In defending this his opin ion, he grounds himself on very sure traditions, as he reckons upon the records of the Church of Milan, and upon the testimonies of many authors. Ughel- Jus is of the same mind, and Ripamontius, who hath written the history of that Church, from the begin ning thereof, and sets down all he could get to gether for support of this opinion. But to speak my sense plainly concerning this opinion of Baro- nius, and those that follow him therein ; I believe they have abused themselves by following late au thorities, and such as cannot make out so ancient a matter. All this so sure tradition, and these monu ments of the Church of Milan, owe their rise to the foolish vanity, which the emulation of the western Prelates, for precedency and jurisdiction, has given birth to, since the eighth century : indeed, since that time, there is scarcely a considerable church in Italy, France, Spain, or England, that did not challenge some Apostle, or disciple of the Apostles, for their founder.

Uturg.Pa- I acknowledge that the Liturgy, which bears the mei. p.386.name of ^ Ambrose, supposes St. Barnabas to have been the first Bishop of Milan ; but that alone is sufficient to make it appear, that that Liturgy, as well as others of the same nature, hath suffered great alterations since its first reception in that diocese. The later ages have made a great part of their piety to consist in inventing these fables, and the ignorance and blind zeal of people hath prompt ed them to entertain impertinent legends as articles of faith, whereof the least footstep is not to be found in the first monuments of antiquity. The learnedest men of the Church of Rome have, in a manner, wholly banished these apostolical originals into the land of fables, from whence they all proceeded at

ancient Church of Piedmont. 3

first; though some sooner, others later, yet all of CHAP. them since the eighth century, as we have hinted- ' Baronius therefore ought to have called to mind here that judicious maxim, with reference to history, which he himself allegeth elsewhere, Quod sine an- tiquo author e dicitur, contemnitur ; " Whatsoever is 66 asserted without the testimony of some ancient " author ought to be despised."

Though it is plain, I might draw some advantage in the sequel of my discourse, from the confession of Baronius and other authors that have writ the originals of the Churches of Liguria ; yet I shall take heed of making use of it, my aim being not to gain any thing by the ignorance or fabulousness of our adversary, but exactly to search out truth. Ac cordingly I find, 1. That the ancient ecclesiastical history doth not give us the least hint, that ever St. Barnabas preached in Italy, properly so called. Several authors, as Origen and St. Chrysostom, giveEuseb. not him the same allotment that the later historians J^'1'3' of Milan have done. 2. I find it was a thing wholly unknown in the time of St. Irenseus and Tertullian,DePra>scr. as also to Pope Innocent the First, in the beginning ?2'-^7' et of the fifth century. 3dly, I do not find that any of Epist. i. ad the authors who lived in that diocese, as St. Am-Uccent< brose, St. Maximus, and others, have ever set forth the glory of this apostolical foundation of the Church of Milan by St. Barnabas. 4thly, Petrus Damianus might alone have served to correct this erroneous opinion of Baronius : for being sent to persuade the Church of Milan to submit to that of Rome, he doth not at all take notice of the Clergy of Milan, pretending to descend from St. Barnabas ;OPusc. 5. but maintains to their face, that they had received1*'32' the Gospel from the Bishops of the Church of Rome. There is no man of any judgment, who is never so little versed in the history of the Church, on whom these remarks will not make a greater impression, than all those fables on which Baronius,

B 2

4 Remarks upon the

CHAP, and others like him, have built, in order to establish L their pretended tradition.

I am not ignorant, that since the thirteenth cen tury, Raynerius reports, that the Churches of the Waldenses maintained, that they were apostolical Churches : but the word apostolical must then be taken in the sense Tertullian gives it in his book of Prescriptions, which I have just now alleged, Nascentes ex matricibus apostolicis deputantur ut soboles apostolicarum Ecclesiarum. Indeed, they are never the less apostolical, because they did not receive the doctrine of the Gospel immediately from the Apostles themselves. It is sufficient to make them deserve the name of apostolical, that they re ceived the doctrine of the Apostles, as a pledge from the hand of their first disciples, which they preserved so very tenderly throughout the following ages.

It is hard to determine whether it was in the first century that these apostolical men planted the Christian religion at Milan, and the diocese there unto belonging ; or whether it were done in the second century ; forasmuch as Milan was a consi derable city in those primitive times, and we find that the Churches of Lyons and Vienna were al ready famous in the second age, by reason of their martyrs, apostolic men having first of all preached in the capital cities, that the Gospel from thence, as the head spring, might diffuse itself throughout the whole diocese, and so facilitate the propagation thereof. I am very much inclined to believe, either that the same preachers who came from Greece, out of the bosom of the apostolic Church, to plant the faith amongst the Gauls, did also cultivate the diocese of Milan, that belonged to Gallia Cisalpina: or, that the disciples of the Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, who for their master Jesus Christ had con quered the cities neighbouring to Rome, pursued their victories as far as Milan and its diocese.

ancient Church of Piedmont. 5

I do not think any man can precisely define the CHAP.

time of their preaching, those first disciples having , ^

been much more careful to preach the Gospel, than to write the history of it. For, we cannot rely much upon what they tell us concerning the first succes sors of St. Barnabas at Milan> no more than we can upon that which they assert, that St. Barnabas was the founder of thatChurch. Lastly,! do not think it necessary to shew, (as some reformed Divines do,) that the Bagaudse, of whom mention is made in the time of Dioclesian, were the predecessors of the Waldenses, and that they were both Christians and martyrs. It is true that they build this their opin ion upon the martyrdom of St. Maurice, and of the Thebsean legion, which seems to be confirmed by the life of St. Babolenus, published by Chiffletius at the end of Bede. But this foundation is of no strength. The martyrdom of the Thebaean legion is no more than a ridiculous fable, unknown to all the ancient historians of the Church ; published by some impostor, under the name of St. Eucherius: and the life of St. Babolenus is a ridiculous legend, being no ways fit to confirm so great an action of that antiquity. We need only read what is set down by those ancient authors, who make mention of these Bagaudae, and it will be found, that we cannot with reason make Christians of them.

But, however it may be, and though we should acknowledge, that the Church of Milan was found ed by the care of the successors of St. Peter and St. Paul at Rome ; yet it is of importance to observe, that this can give no right to the Bishop of Rome over him of Milan, no more than St. Polycarp ac quired any right over the several dioceses amongst tne Gauls, whose churches were founded by those whom he had sent abroad to preach the Gospel. Pope Innocent the First complains, in his Epistle to Decentius, that the Bishops of his own province did not follow the customs of the Church of Rome. If

B3

6 Remark* upon the

CHAP, this happened in his own province, which without

*' doubt had been converted by the endeavours of his

predecessors, we may very well judge, that the first

preachers of Milan arid its diocese had not subjected

Milan to the Bishop of Rome.

This is acknowledged by Pope Pius the Second, who owns, in his Apology for the Romish Church, written in the year 1457, that before the Council of Nice small regard was had to the Bishop of Rome. It is very necessary that this truth should be solidly proved, which accordingly I design to do in the sequel of this work ; and to shew the independence of that diocese on the Bishops of Rome : my busi ness at present is to lay down the belief and wor ship of those Churches which were planted by the disciples of the Apostles, and will be the subject of the following chapters.

CHAP. II.

The state of the Christian religion in the diocese of Italy, until the end of the fourth century.

JT ORASMUCH as we have scarce any author of this diocese, during the three hundred and fifty- first years after the birth of Jesus Christ, whose writings are still in being, it will be impossible for us to give an account of the state of the Christian religion in that diocese, any other way than by con sidering the state of the neighbouring dioceses, and most other Churches during that interval. But with this assistance we may be able to supply the want of those authors, whose memory time hath buried in oblivion, or whose writings have been destroyed by persecutions or by barbarisms.

We cannot doubt but that the principal articles of their faith were contained in the Apostles' Creed,

ancient Church of Piedmont. ^

which, though it were not written by the Apostles, CHAP. yet was received with a general approbation, as ap- pears from what Tertullian and St. Irenseus tell us. Neither did they, without doubt, own any other tradition, besides that of St. Irenaeus, that nothing ought to be laid down for certain truth, but what Jesus Christ hath taught, or the Apostles written, and left to the apostolical Churches as a sacred depositum.

It is undoubtedly sure, that this was the instruc tion which was given to the Catechumeni, who, after private instructions, were earnestly exhorted to read the writings of the Evangelists and Apostles, to confirm and advance themselves in the knowledge of the truths of the Christian religion. And it is as sure that the strangers, who came with this profes sion, were received as brethren, and they looked upon as heretics who advanced any doctrine con trary to the abridgment of the Christian faith.

The Bishops, when they preached, took the holy Scripture for the subject of their sermon ; they ex plained the mysteries thereof. The Priests and Dea cons did as much afterwards, by order of the Bishops, in the several places where they were settled ; the one as well as the other being called to their offices by the consent of the people, without which their ministry was not acknowledged, or owned.

They admitted the Catechumeni, after an exact instruction, and baptized them on Easter-day and Whit-Sunday, and prepared them for the receiving of that sacrament by long continued fasts, which were prescribed them, and which the Church observed with them, to witness to them the concern they took in their conversion.

The Catechumeni did not assist at the celebration of the Eucharist, but were admitted to it after that they had received Baptism, and before that were to make confession of their sins, in token of their contrition.

B 4

8 Remarks upon the

CHAP. It was not till some time after the Apostles, yea 11 ' even till after the second century, that anointings were added to the ceremony of Baptism, as well be fore as after the receiving of it ; which was the charge of the Bishops, who gave the chrism to the new baptized, together with the imposition of hands. The new baptized were clothed in white, eight days after their baptism : before which they gave them salt to taste, and milk and honey to drink. Thus by little and little did they stuff out this holy cere mony, as if it were come too plain and homely out of the hands of our Saviour and his Apostles.

They received the Lord's Supper immediately after Baptism, and the people offered bread and wine on the table whereof they communicated. All that were present were obliged to communicate. The Deacons proclaimed the Sursum corda, which was a sufficient hint that they were to seek Christ with their hearts in heaven, and that they looked upon that ceremony as a commemoration. Both men and women received the Sacrament in their hands, without any adoration exhibited to it, and they communicated all under both kinds.

We do not find that they prayed to any, but God through Jesus Christ ; they prayed to him for the penitents, for believers, for all the necessities of the Church and the world, for the conversion of the heathens, Jews, and heretics, for the emperors, and for the government. They blessed God for the tri umphant death of the martyrs; and in process of time they prayed for the dead, that God would be pleased to make them partakers of the first resur rection, which was not till after the doctrine of the temporal reign of one thousand years was introduced.

They carried the Eucharist to the sick, and those that were absent, and they called it the viaticum; a name which would better have suited with extreme unction, had that been the last sacrament of the Church.

ancient Church of Piedmont. 9

The Bishops were every one of them heads of CHAP. their Churches, but they acted nothing without 1L the consent of the Clergy of their Church, and the people. The Priests administered the lesser Churches, but so as that their behaviour, as well as their ordination, depended on the Bishop and his Clergy, who exercised discipline upon the delin quents. They were the Bishop's council, they preached, they baptized, they celebrated the Eu-^ charist, they governed the parishes, as well those that were in the city, as in the country; they had Deacons, who expounded also the Gospel, who dis tributed the Eucharist, who carried it to those that were absent, who baptized, and who sometimes, in less considerable places, had the oversight of Churches. They were ordinarily those that visited the sick and prisoners, and that took care of the temporal concerns of the Church.

In process of time the number of Church-officers was multiplied : there were sub-deacons, acolythi, readers, exorcists, choristers, porters, and men that buried the dead : all these were reduced under the title of Church-officers : whereas before, the Bishops and Priests performed the duty of exorcists, which consisted only in praying over the heads of those that were believed to be possessed of the Devil, or which were overtaken with maladies that were looked upon as possessions. The Diaconesses, who were of apostolical institution, and received the im position of hands, and who, together with the vir gins and widows, made, as it were, a part of the Clergy, were employed to instruct the women in their houses, to visit the prisoners, and ,to prepare and dispose those of their own sex for the reception of Baptism.

They made a very exact scrutiny into the man ners and knowledge of those that were admitted into the number of the Clergy; but it was not required of them in some places to forbear the company of

10 Remarks upon the

CHAP, their wives, in order to their admission, until the ^ beginning of the fourth century; neither was it ap proved of by the Council of Nice in the year 325, which left them at liberty in that respect. In pro cess of time they rarely admitted any to Orders that were married, except they made a vow to abstain from their wives. Pope Siricius was one of the first that endeavoured to introduce the usage of ecclesi astical celibacy, and to make it pass into a law for his diocese.

The Church had at the first divided sins into two sorts: there were sins, which whosoever was found guilty of were excommunicated for ever: these were idolatry, murder, and adultery: the others did not exclude the persons guilty for ever from being re conciled to the Church, but only laid a necessity upon them of doing public penance at the church- gate ; which at first was done with less severity during the two first centuries, but afterwards was made subject to more strict and severe rules, and continued for some years together, the Church re quiring these precautions, the better to be assured of the sincerity of their conversion. The intercession of martyrs and confessors, or the apparent danger of death, wherein the penitents were fallen, obliged the Church to remit somewhat of the severity of these rules, which was called Indulgence.

The respect they had for confessors and for mar tyrs gave them a great authority, though many times they were only women or laics : oftentimes by their solicitations peace was granted to penitents, especially if they were any way related to them. The memory of their death was celebrated with thanksgivings to God for their triumph ; which commemoration was renewed every year. Their bodies were buried very carefully; and the church yards being often the most secure places for the assemblies of Christians, they celebrated the Eu charist in the same places, and upon their tombs.

ancient Church of Piedmont. 1 1

They boasted of their communion; and, from an CHAP. heathenish conceit, which crept in during the IL fourth century, they considered them as present, and joining their prayers with the Church for the salvation of those who resorted to their graves. The veneration they had for their relics was carried so far, after the midst of the fourth century, that in divers places they lighted lamps and wax candles on their tombs, and brought thither bread and wine, to eat and drink at their graves, and celebrate a kind of feast in honour of them. St. Austin in his Confess. Confessions observes, that his mother, willing to ob-llb'6'c<2' serve this African custom at Milan, was reproved therefore by St. Ambrose, as being a heathenish custom, and that she acquiesced in the Bishop's determination.

In the fourth century images began to be intro duced into some churches, viz. the pictures of mar tyrs : but they knew nothing yet of painting the Deity, or of giving the images any religious worship.

They made the sign of the cross on all occasions, as if it had been an abridgment of the profession of Christianity amongst the heathens, or a powerful weapon against the devils.

They did not bury any at first, but in the church yards ; afterwards they began to bury in places ad joining to the church, and at last in the churches themselves. And it was in those church-yards, ever since the third century, that they celebrated the sa crament of the Eucharist, to render thanks to God for the deliverance of those, whose decease had been commendable and praiseworthy.

In the fourth century they consecrated churches but to God alone, and distinguished them from those places where the bodies of martyrs were buried.

They read only in the churches the canonical Scriptures, with the respect due unto the word of God ; to which they afterwards joined some hymns composed by some men of great renown, and the

12 Remarks upon the

CHAP, sufferings of martyrs, whose examples were of use n' to confirm the faith of the Church.

The people sang in their assemblies the Psalms of David ; and this was the most ordinary exercise of believers, when they met together before day, and at other hours set apart for public acts of piety.

They almost continually concluded the sacrament of the Lord's Supper with feasts of charity, to comfort the poor, and to entertain brotherly unity amongst believers. At the breaking up of these feasts, they gave alms, which were employed for the mainte nance of the poor, and the Clergy, who had no other incomes, until that Constantine had embraced the Christian religion.

They celebrated fasts that were very different as to their duration : some ending after three of the clock in the afternoon, some lasting the whole day; but all of them consisted in a total abstinence from meat and drink. Some of these fasts were kept every week, on Wednesday and Friday; the Church of Rome fasted also on Saturday. These days of fasting having not been instituted by the authority of the Apostles, according to the general consent of ancient Christians, and every one using them with great liberty.

The body of the Christian Churches continued united together by the bond of one and the same faith, and by the mutual care which every Bishop took to keep up the same zeal for the purity of manners, as for that of faith. If there happened any difference, the Bishops and the Priest of the same province assembled, and determined the mat ter, without any appeal : and it was not till the midst of the fourth century, when the dioceses were better formed, that the Council of Sardica granted to Pope Julius, Bishop of Rome, the privi lege of examining afresh all causes that had been determined in the provincial synods ; which how-

ancient Church qfPiedmomt. 13

ever never took full effect, all the Greeks, and a CHAP. great part of the Latins having rejected that Canon. IT> The Bishops of Rome endeavoured to attribute and preserve to themselves this authority, though they could never bring it about, but by means of the favour of the Emperors Gratian at the end of the fourth age, and of Valentinian the Third in the midst of the fifth age.

This was the general state of the Church, whilst under the heathen persecutions, and after having endured the furies of Arianism, which almost wholly laid her waste, during the fourth century. On which occasion I desire the reader to observe,

First, That the most part of the human consti tutions I have mentioned were not observed with that rigour, with which Rome imposeth them at present.

Secondly, That some part of those Church-orders have been changed and abolished in process of time.

Thirdly, That a considerable part of these cus toms, unknown to Scripture, had their rise from a design the Christians had of accommodating them selves to the notions of the Jews and heathens.

Fourthly, That the opinions amongst the ancient Christians upon many questions of divinity being very different, they made use of great forbearance one with another, as long as they did but agree in matters of faith.

Fifthly, That although they received not men ex communicated for scandalous manners in another diocese ; notwithstanding the excommunications of one diocese did not hinder, but that those who could prove the injustice thereof might communicate with those whom the Bishops of another diocese had excommunicated.

Sixthly, That every diocese was looked upon as being independent of all other authority: so that

14 Remarks upon the

CHAP, what respect soever they might have for the apo- IL stolical Churches, yet did not they think themselves obliged to follow them, in case they were persuaded that they had violated the purity of the faith.

And now having made these general observations, which are to be applied to the state of the diocese of Italy in particular, we shall proceed to what far ther information we can get from those authors who have wrote and lived in this diocese.

CHAP. III.

Opinions of authors of the diocese of Italy, in the fourth century, concerning matters of faith and worship.

FORASMUCH as the Doctors of the Roman Church generally acknowledge, that the Church of this diocese continued pure until the fourth century, and that it enjoyed the communion of the Pope of Rome; it will not be needful particularly to examine, what was the faith of that diocese about the articles which the Church of Rome rejects or receives in common with Protestants : our business, to speak properly, being only to inquire concerning those ar ticles and ways of worship, which the Church of Rome considers as making a part of their religion, and which the Protestants reject, as being more proper to corrupt, than perfect it. If it be then certain and evident, that the believers of that dio cese were either altogether ignorant of, or formally rejected those articles of faith, and that worship, which the Church of Rome prescribes to its people, and which she imposeth on the rest of the world under pain of damnation ; it will most evidently

ancient Church of Piedmont. 15

appear by this, that these believers were not of the CHAP. Romish religion, but that, in respect of their faith I1L and worship, they were true Protestants.

And of this it is easy to convince an unprejudiced reader, by examining, century after century, the writings of the ecclesiastical authors of that dio cese. I begin with St. Ambrose, who died anno 397, after having possessed the see of Milan twenty- three years. This great man (whose elogy is set down by Cassiodore in three words, when he calls him virtutum Episcopum, arcemjidei, orator em ca- tholicum; " the Bishop of virtues, the castle of faith, " the catholic orator") can inform us, whether or no his diocese embraced those maxims which the Pro testants, in conformity with the Waldenses, do con demn in the Church of Rome.

If we desire to know what he believed concerning the fulness and sufficiency of the Scripture, he main tains, that there we are to learn that which makes the object of our faith ; because therein the Father, the Son, the Prophets, and the Apostles, satisfy and answer the questions of believers. Lib. 1. de Fide, ad Gratian. c. 4.

Would you know, according to what stan'dard he believed the versions of the Scripture ought to be examined ? He will answer you, that it must be by the original. Lib. 2. de Spir. S. cap. 6. et de Incar- nat. cap. 8.

If the Scripture seems any where obscure, what is to be done in this case, according to his judgment? We are to compare the several passages, et aperi- etur, saith he, non ab alio, sed a Dei verbo ; " and it " shall be opened to thee, not from another, but from " the word of God," in Psalm cxviii. Serm. 8.

See here one of his maxims concerning what is

O

maintained at this day about the succession of the Bishop of Rome to the rights of St. Peter : " Those " who have not the faith of Peter, neither can they " pretend to the inheritance of Peter," lib. 1. de Pee-

16 Remarks upon the

CHAP. nit. c. 6. And indeed how could he have spoke IIL otherwise, after the apostasy of Liberius to the he resy of the Ariaus? Neither do we find him ac knowledging any other rock of the Church besides Jesus Christ, or other foundation of the Church but the true faith ; for so he expresseth himself in Luc. 1. c. 9. & lib. 5. Epist. 32.

He considers the justification of a sinner as con sisting in the remission of sins. De Jacob, et Vita beata, lib. 1. c. 5, 6. and in other places.

He leaves no room for the merit of works, and maintains, that all our glory consists in the remis sion of our oifences. De Bono Mortis, c. 2.

He maintains, that the alone sufferings of Jesus Christ are the means of our justification, without any concurrence of our own good works : Ecce Ag nus Dei, qui tollit peccata mundi, et ideo nemo glori- etur in operibus, quid nemofactis suis justificabitur. u Behold the Lamb of God, which takes away the " sins of the world, and therefore let no man glory " in his works, because no man shall be justified by " his own doings." Epist. 71. lib. 9.

Would you know, whether St. Ambrose did be lieve the seven sacraments, as does the Church of Rome? You need only call to mind, that St. Au- gustin, who had been his disciple, owned only two, viz. Baptism and the Supper of the Lord.

He took care to distinguish that which is visibly done, from that which is invisibly celebrated : so far was he from tying grace to the sacraments them selves, as the Church of Rome does. Epist. 84. et de Spiritu Sancto, lib. 3. cap. 11.

Let any one judge, whether he did believe the real presence of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, when he wrote these words, in Luc. lib. 10. c. 24. Seek those things which are on high, where Jesus Christ is seated at the right hand of God? And lest we should believe, that it is rather the duty of the eyes, than of the soul, he here speaks of, he adds, " Sa-

ancient Church of Piedmont. 17

" vour the things that are on high, and not those CHAP. " that are on the earth." So then, it is not on the IIL earth, nor in the earth, nor according to the flesh, that we must seek him, if we would find him. Lastly, Stephen did not look for Christ upon earth ; Stephen touched him, because he sought him in heaven. Jesus Christ is present, according to the manner of our seeking him.

It is well known, that in his time the Church communicated under two kinds : besides, he over throws the possibility of a body existing in more places at once : he maintains, that the Gospel has only the image, and not the truth ; and in several places he explodes the carnal manducation, which the Church of Rome admits of.

This makes it very evident, that he knew nothing of the sacrifice of the Mass : indeed, he formally opposes the same, and maintains, lib. 1. de Offic. c. 17 41. that since his passion, he offers up himself only by way of representation, as being really and in truth in heaven, where, as our advocate, he inter cedes for us.

If we read the death of St. Ambrose, related by Paulinus in his Life, we shall find nothing there, either of confession, or of adoration of the Eucharist, when he received it, or of extreme unction practised there, no more than at the death of a true Protest ant.

Would we know his thoughts concerning the re ligious worship of creatures ? He is the author of this maxim, That we may not serve any creature ; a foundation to prove that Jesus Christ is God, be cause the Scripture teaches us, that we ought to worship him. De Fide, ad Gratian. lib. 1. c. 7- And it is with respect to the same that he proves, that the Holy Ghost is God, because he has temples. De Spir. Sancto, lib. 3. c. 13. As to the use of images in religious worship, see how eloquently he expresses himself, De Fuga Seculi, c. 5. " Holy Ra~

c

1 8 Remarks upon the

CHAP. « chel hid the images, that is to say, the Church or Ilr* " wisdom, because the Church does not own the " vain representations and figures of images." He tells you, that Helen worshipped Jesus Christ, and not the wood of his cross, which she had found ; for that is a Pagan error, and a vanity of ungodly men. Cone, de Obitu Theodosii. He maintains, that it is pure Paganism to worship stones, and to implore the assistance of images, that have no understanding. Lib. l.deOffic. c. 26.

Do we suppose he attributed to ministers the power of pardoning sins ? We may undeceive our selves, by hearing him deliver himself like a Pro testant, thus : " Men afford their ministry for the " remission of sins, but do not exercise the right of " any power; they pray, but God pardons." L. 3. de Spir. Sancto,c.l8. He asserts, that the ministry may be in the hands of heretics, and this without corrupting the faith of the people, the ears of the people being more wise than the mouth of the preachers ; as happened at the time when Arianism seemed to prevail. In Psalm, cxviii. Serm. \J. 18 He sets down for a certain maxim, that we are bound to separate ourselves from a Church that re jects the faith, and does not possess the foundation of the preaching of the Apostles. Lib. 6. in Lucam, c.9.

We may see, that he was wholly estranged from that maxim which the Papists have maintained these last six hundred years, that the Church hath the power of deposing a prince who is turned here tic ; for he maintains, that the Church has no other arms but prayers and remonstrances, or at the most excommunications.

T. 4. B.P. I pass on to Philastrius Bishop of Brescia, con temporary with St. Ambrose, from whose writings we may gather these following particulars. He did not believe that the Church of Rome could author ize the Canon of Scripture, as the Gloss maintains ;

ancient Church of Piedmont. 19

for he asserts, that the Apostles and their successors CHAP. determined the number of the canonical books, which IIL only ought to be read in the Church. Har. 40.

It is plain, he did not believe the Church of Rome to be exempt from error, if he minded what he said; because, Hares. 4 1 . he rejects as heretical the opinion of those who held the Epistle to the Hebrews to have been writ by Barnabas, by Cle mens Romanus, or by St. Luke, which had given occasion to make the authority thereof suspected and doubtful in the Roman Church, which rejected the same. As we may see by the testimony of St. Jerome.

He did not believe, that it belonged only to the Church of Rome to condemn heresies, which power she arrogates to herself at this day; because he ob serves, concerning several heresies, that the par ticular Bishops or councils of the diocese, where the heresy first appeared, had right to condemn them.

So little did he think, that it was the right of the Church of Rome only to canonize the versions of Scripture by -her authority, that he fixeth the brand of heresy upon the opinion of those who did not re ceive the version of the Septuagint ; whereas it was the only version the Church admitted of in his time. Hares. 89, 90. One may see by this, whether he 19 was like to have rejected the same upon the Pope's determination.

We cannot find that he believed transubstanti- ation ; for giving an account of the heresy of the Artotyrites, who celebrated the Eucharist with bread and cheese, he doth not, to condemn them, make use of the reasons which a transubstantiator might have alleged. H&res. 27. And we ought to make the same reflection on the 30th heresy of the Aquarii, who celebrated the Eucharist with water only, which at least they might defend by way of concomitance; but might, on the other hand, be more strongly attacked, by the idolatry which would

C 2

20 Remarks upon the

CHAP, have been committed by adoring the water in the IIL Sacrament.

He would never have employed, in defence of the real presence, the Acts of St. Andrew, which they nowadays object to us, to establish the carnal pre sence of Jesus Christ ; forasmuch as he maintains, Hares. 40. that those Acts had been feigned by the Manichees.

We find not, when he speaks of Aetius, Hares. 25. that he looked upon his opinion against prayers for the dead to be an heresy.

It is evident he did not approve of the principles of idol-worshippers, because he calls their opinion an heresy, who thought that man was the image of God, according to his body, and not according to his soul. Hares. 49.

It appears from Hares. 53. that he did not admit of the Romish divinity concerning the punishments, properly so called, which God, say they, makes his children to suffer during the course of this life.

He lays it down for a rule, Hares. 60, 6l . that the Christian faith is more ancient than the Jewish; which can no longer now be maintained, since the Church of Rome has been pleased to add so many articles to the Creed, and introduced into its worship so many practices contrary to the law of God.

He declares expressly, that the sacrifice of the Church is a sacrifice of bread in mysterium, Christ i9 to be a mystery of Jesus Christ. Hares. 96. 20 He was so sensible, with the Protestants, that the children of believers have a right to the covenant, that he maintains, Hares. 69. that formerly the pa triarchs, judges, and other believers, were sanctified in their mothers belly. A doctrine which has so extremely disgusted the Romish censors, that they thought fit to guard the margin with a Caute lege.

He asserts, Hares. 74. that he who called upon the Father, before Christ's coming in the flesh, was thereby freed from the condemnation of the wicked ;

ancient Church of Piedmont. 21

which does not seem to agree very well with the CHAP. Popish doctrine of a Limbus Patrum; or else it_ [I1' must be owned, that the Limbus must take place as well under the New Testament, as under the Old : because he makes use of the words of Jesus Christ, or, at least, makes a plain allusion to them.

He overthrows the doctrine of merit, in main taining, Hares. 77- that it is by the sole mercy of Jesus Christ we are saved, non virtute et justitia condigna, " not by any condign virtue and righteous- " ness of our own."

It does not appear that he owned a Purgatory, such as the Romanists do, because, Hares. 73. he saith, that the soul of man, whether good or bad, whether godly or ungodly, is conducted by an angel to its appointed place, there to receive according to what he has done in this life. It is evident from the Epistle of St. Gaudentius to Benevolus, that he believed a fire, through which the most righteous, even the Apostles and blessed Virgin herself, were to pass, at the end of the world : which opinion has been since rejected in the west.

It appears from Hares. 97. that the number of fasts was very small in his time ; he takes notice only of four, that of Christmas, Epiphany, Easter, and Whitsuntide, besides that of Lent ; the rest were left to the devotion of believers : and there is great probability, that these fasts were only observed on the eves before the Communion.

True it is, that he speaks of a local descent of the soul of our Saviour Jesus Christ into hell, Hares. 22. but in Hares. 73. he terms their opinion an heresy, who maintain, that after his death he descended into 21 hell, and preached the Gospel, that the souls there receiving the same might be saved : which was the opinion of most of the ancients, both before and after him. Whence we may judge, whether this ar ticle, about which so much pains has been taken to

c 3

22 Remarks upon the

CHAP, explain it in a good sense, was a doctrine which the ]IL Apostles had left in the Church ; or whether it was not drawn from some passages of Scripture, ill un derstood in the second century, as we assert, because the Fathers did not at all times, in all places, and with all agree therein ; which is the character of a doctrine truly catholic, according to the famous maxim of Vincentius Lirinensis.

And forasmuch as St. Gaudentius succeeded Phi- lastrius, whom he calls a most apostolical man, it is no wonder to find him so closely following his steps; for we find him every where of the same opinion with St. Gaudentius in the points he treats of, as I have already made it appear from his Epistle to Be- nevolus ; for, writing to him a consolatory letter, upon occasion of his sickness^ he treats the matter altogether like a Protestant, without mingling any Popish notions therewith, such as are the consider ing of the afflictions of believers as punishments and satisfactions God exacts from them as a judge ; as may be seen in that Epistle. It is true, that amongst other things he observes^ that they serve also to lessen the force of the purgative fire of the last judgment. But I have shewed what he meant by that ; and the same is acknowledged by the learned of the Roman Church. He lays down two things in the same Epistle ; the one is, that the bosom of Abraham signifies eternal life, which does no service to the Popish polemical writers ; the other is, that neither angels nor men know the secrets of conscience, that being the privilege of God only; which maxim wholly overthrows the invocation of angels, as well as the authority the priests arrogate to themselves of pardoning sins, as judges. But we will pass on to his Sermons, and instance in some other of his opinions.

He tells us plainly in his first sermon, that we shall not eat the true manna, which is Jesus Christ,

ancient Church of Piedmont. 23

till after the resurrection in heaven, where we shall CHAP. drink of the Rock, which is Jesus Christ, cleaving ' - to the feet of that immaculate Lamb. Is this the 22 language of a man that believes the carnal presence?

The whole of his second sermon is spent in ex plaining the doctrine of the Eucharist, where at the first he lays down, that the figure is not the truth, but an imitation of it. He saith, Jesus Christ has suffered death for all men, and that he feeds them in all the Churches: but how? In mysteria panis et vini reficit immolatus, vivificat creditus ; " He refresheth, being offered up in the mystery of " bread and wine ; and quickens, being believed " on :" so that he is only offered up in figure, and not truly, and only quickens those that believe his word. And he explains himself, by declaring, that the doctrine of Jesus Christ is the flesh of that im maculate Lamb, the whole body of the Scriptures containing the Son of God. He explains that phrase, to receive the body of the Son of God, by receiving with the mouth the mystery of the body and blood of the Lord. He maintains, that it was of the consecrated bread that Jesus Christ said, This is my body ; which, according to the doctors of Rome, overthrows transubstantiation. Lastly, he maintains, that Jesus Christ made choice of the bread and wine, to make them the sacraments of his body and blood, that there might be no blood in this new sacrifice, and to figure the body of the Church, which is composed of many believers, as the bread is made up of many grains. Can any thing be said more contrary to the maxims of the Church of Rome ?

In his third sermon he asserts, that the Church resembles the moon, which increases in times of peace, and decreaseth in times of persecution ; that she decreaseth with respect to her fulness, but not with respect to her brightness. He seems after her

c 4

24 Remarks upon the

CHAP, fulness, to which she was arrived, to foresee her 1IL wane and decrease, which he had already had a view of, during the reign of Arianism.

23 CHAP. IV.

Concerning the faith of the Churches of the diocese of Italy during thejifth century.

IJNE of the most illustrious witnesses we have of the belief of the Churches of Italy, at the beginning of the fifth age, is Rufinus, Presbyter of Aquileia.

As for the rule of faith, which is the Scripture, Rufinus sets down a catalogue of the books of holy Writ, the same that is at present received by the Protestants, calling the books that we reject apocry phal, apud Cyr. p. 552 and 553. which is an evident mark, that the Church of Italy made a more accu rate distinction of the canonical books from the apocryphal, than the Church of Rome at that time did. So that Rufinus, in this respect, knew more than Innocent I. who began to confound the canon ical writings, by a mixture of the apocryphal.

As for the Creed, which is an abridgment of the articles of our belief, we cannot meet with a more orthodox explication of it than is that of Rufinus ; and would to God the Church of Rome would keep to that, for then w7e should be soon agreed ; at least, in so doing she would not propose any thing to Christians which was not owned for the Creed of the ancient Church ; whereas since she has added new articles, altogether unknown to Rufinus and the Bishops of that diocese. In a word, we may say, it is most certain, that there is as much dif ference between this treatise of Rufinus and the Catechism of the Council of Trent, as there is be-

ancient Church of Piedmont. 25

tween the Catechism of the Protestants and that of CHAP. the Papists. '

I own, that Rufinus, in this explication of the Creed, asserts a local descent of Jesus Christ into hell : but we are to observe, that though already in his time this was looked upon as an article of faith ; yet the Fathers, as well those that went before, as 24 those that followed after, had such diiferent notions concerning it, that the Church of Rome, which at this day follows one of those opinions, but had not that article in her Symbol in Rufinus's time, can scarcely draw any advantage from thence, except only against those who hold, that this article is only an allegorical explication of the article, He was buried.

But, however, we may observe, that Rufmus ex- P. 53. 8, pressly notes, at the beginning of this his exposition of the Creed, that believers received the sacrament of the Lord's Supper with an extraordinary respect, maxima cum observantia, but not worshipping it, as the Church of Rome does at this day.

Though we have no remains of St. Chromatius, Bishop of Aquileia, save only some commentaries and homilies ; yet from thence we are sufficiently informed, how far his divinity differed from that which is now professed by the Church of Rome. He plainly asserts the perspicuity of the Scriptures, when he accuses the heretics and Jews of darkening it by their perverse explications. Serm. 2. p. 162. Accordingly he also maintains, that the Lord's Prayer contains all things necessary to salvation, p. 175. which is not very agreeable to the palate of the doctors of Rome, who furnish us with a far greater number. He asserts, that the prison from whence there is no coming out until the last farthing be paid, is hell, which does not at all suit with Popish purgatory, 166. Conformably to this, he lays down, that the afflictions which happen to the faithful, are either to correct their defects, or to try

26 Remarks upon the

CHAP, their faith, or to prepare them for glory; not a IV> word concerning the use the Roman Church puts them to, viz. for the expiation of sin, and for a sa tisfaction properly so called. He acknowledges in deed, that the Christian Church is typified by a city situated upon a mountain ; but we do not find him concluding from thence its equal visibility, no more than St. Ambrose. We are not to forget here, that St. Chromatius had so little deference for the au thority of the Church of Rome, that Rufinus having been condemned by Pope Anastasius, because he seemed to favour the Origenists, St. Chromatius 25 took no notice of this proceeding, but received him to his communion, as before; an abundant testi mony that the thunderbolts of Rome, at that time, reached no further than the ten provinces in sub jection to the Pope, St. Chromatius's bishopric be ing without them, and consequently, that he did not own the Pope for the head of the Church, out of whose communion salvation was not to be hoped for.

He plainly asserts, that marriage is so wholly dis solved by adultery, that it is lawful for the innocent party to marry again : which was the opinion of the Romish Church till after the tenth century, p. l6s. A. B. He maintains it to be a piece of impiety, to swear by any creatures ; which is not the faith of Rome at this day, p. 169. A. He owns no other union in the Church, but the unity of the Catholic faith, ibid. p. 158. We find, by all his expressions, that the carnal presence was unknown to him : First, he proposeth Jesus Christ as the meat and drink of the believer, that comes hungry to it. Cone. 2. p. 157. Secondly, he holds, that a change is made when ex eo quodfuit in aliam speciem ge- neratur ; " out of that which was before, a thing of " another kind is generated." Thirdly, he applies,

E.174. our daily bread to the body of Jesus Christ, ut he considers it spiritually, which makes it ap-

ancient Church of Piedmont. 27

pear what notion he had of the manducation or eat- CHAP. ing of it, and that the expression he useth of a cor- IV> pore Domini separari, signifies nothing else but the exclusion from the Sacrament.

Moreover, if we find that he has been a guide of the Waldenses towards truth, it will not be amiss withal to observe, that he seems to have suggested to them a wrong understanding of the Scripture. For this great man maintains, that the Gospel ab solutely forbids swearing, p. 168. and the letter of Scripture so far imposed upon him, that he pretends we are obliged, according to the law of Jesus Christ, to offer the other cheek to him that has already struck us, p. 169, 170.

Niceas Bishop of Aquileia, who lived anno 42O. has a very remarkable expression in his book ad Firginem lapsam, which we find in the works of St. Ambrose. "Stick close to the exercise of re- 26 " pentance, till the end of thy life, and never think " of obtaining pardon ab humano die, because he " who has made thee make this promise has deceiv- " ed thee. As thou hast properly sinned against the " Lord, so seek thy remedy only at his hands." It is evident, that these words either are the expres sions of a downright Novatian, which we cannot sus pect him of, after the many testimonies we have of his soundness in the faith, or that they represent a very different notion from what has been enter tained at Rome, since their espousing the secret of auricular confession, and the priestly power of par doning sins, as judges properly so called.

The remaining part of this century was terribly agitated by the disputes raised upon occasion of Nestorianism and Eutychianism, insomuch as the Bishops were all divided, and the Council of Chal- cedon was unable to appease their differences. The diocese of Italy was at the same time ravaged by the Huns. Attila rased Aquileia, destroyed Milan, Pavia, and divers other places. Some years after,

28 Remarks upon the

CHAP. Odoacer invaded the said diocese ; and not long after, IVt the Goths marched through it under the command of Theodoric, so that scarcely was there any place left for learned men to write, during the inundation of these barbarous nations. Proceed we therefore to the following century.

27 CHAP. V.

Opinions of the Churches of Italy during the sixth century.

ONE of the first that can give us any information herein is Laurentius, who was translated from the bishopric of Novara to that of Milan, about the year 50/. We have three of his pieces, which he preached upon his return to his see, after the de struction of Milan, and his own banishment.

The first is a sermon upon the Canaanitish wo man, his design therein being to administer comfort to repenting sinners, and to assure them of the easi ness of God's mercy. Mabillon, who published them, tells us as much. I shall set down some of his pro positions or doctrines which he borrowed from St. Chrysostom.

I. He requires nothing as necessary for the re mission of sin, save only a lively compunction, without so much as one word of the Priest's abso lution, p. 24. Sed dicis, Fed peccata multa et mag- na. Et quis est de hominibus qui non peccet ? Tu die ; Erravi super omnes homines, siiffitit mihi in sacrificio ista confessio. Die tu prius iniquitates tuas, ut justiftceris : cognosce quoniam peccator es; habe fristitiam cum converteris ; esto ac si despe- ratus et mcestus, sed et lachrymas compunctus ef- funde. Numquid aliud aliquid Juit in meretrice, quam lachrymarum effusio? et ex hac profusione

ancient Church of Piedmont. 29

invenit presidium, et accept a Jiducia accessit ad CHAP. fontem Dominum Jesum. " But thou wilt say, I ' " have committed many and great sins: and who is " there amongst men that sinneth not ? Say thou, I " have sinned beyond all men ; this confession is " sufficient to me, for a sacrifice. Do thou first de- " clare thy iniquities, that thou mayest be justified ; " acknowledge thyself to be a sinner: be full of " sorrow in this thy conversion ; yea, be grieved, and " as without hope : moreover, pour forth tears of " compunction. Do you find ought else in her that 28 " had been a common harlot, but shedding of tears? " and by this her weeping she found help ; and hav- " ing received confidence, she drew near to the " fountain, our Lord Jesus."

He answers the unworthiness of sinners in these words, p. 25. Et quomodo ausa est mulier legis ignara, tarn iniqua, sic abrupte accedere ad fontem salutis 9 Non petiit Jacobum, non rogavit Johan- nem, non accessit ad Petrum; sed hoc intermit tens, quid dicit 9 Non est mihi necessarius Jidejussor : suscipit in se poenitentm patrocimum, et sola currit, tenet eum in voce ac dicit, Miserere mei Domine tfili David. Ideo descendisti, ideo carnem susce- pisti, ut et ego loquar ad te et cum Jiducia petam, 8$c. " But how durst a woman ignorant of the " law, and besides so wicked, so abruptly draw " near to the fountain of salvation ? she did riot en- " treat James, nor ask John, neither came she to " Peter [to speak for her.] But leaving all this, " what saith she ? I have no need of a sponsor. " And taking upon herself the patronage of her " own repentance, she runs to him alone, stops him " with her voice, and saith, Lord have mercy upon " me, thou Son of David. Therefore it is that thou " earnest down [to us,] therefore thou tookest flesh " upon thee, that even I also might speak to thee, " and with confidence ask of thee, &c." See here a

30 Remarks upon the

CHAP, very exact imitation of St. Chrysostom, after Nec- v> tarius had taken away the use of penitentiary Priests.

It is worth our taking notice how he speaks of prayers without attention, p. 35. Sunt multi quidem qui intrant in ecclesiam, et strepunt in oratione,, confuse atque intemperata voce dispergunt verba sua, et egressi foras obliti sunt omnia. Hi sunt qui labiis hinniunt, et corde non concipiunt. Si tu ipse dicta tua et preces ignoras; quomodo te exaudit Dem? " There be many indeed that come into the " church, and make a noise in prayer, scattering " their words with a confused and rude bawling, " who as soon as they are got abroad, quite forget " all. These are they, who neigh with their mouths, " without conceiving in their hearts. If thou thy- " self dost not know what thou sayest or prayest, 29" how shall God hear thee?" From whence we may easily judge how he would have approved of praying in an unknown tongue, which necessarily destroys attention.

As concerning the place where we ought to pray, that we may be heard, he expresseth himself in this manner, as if he had designed to furnish theWaldenses with an answer, p. 36. Grandis sermo est, Miserere mei Deus, brevis quidem sed virtute plenus. Nam et si foris Jueris, clama et die, Miserere mei Deus. Clama, non voce, sed mente ; nam et tacentes exau dit Deus. Nee tarn locus quaritur, quantum sensus. Hieremias in car cere confortatur; Daniel inter le- ones exult at ; tres pueri infornace tripudiant; Job nudus sub divo triumphal; Paradisum de cruce la- tro invenit. Quid ergo si Jueris in publico foro ? Or a intra te. Noli queer ere locum, locus ipse es, ibi ubi Jueris ora. Si Jueris in balneo, ora, et ibi templum est. " This is a great word, Lord have " mercy upon me ; short indeed, but full of virtue. " For though thou art abroad, yet cry and say, Lord

ancient Church of Piedmont. 31

" have mercy upon me. Cry, not with thy voice, CHAP.

" but with thy mind, for God hears even those that v>

" are silent ; neither does he regard the place where,

" but our mind and attention in prayer. Jeremiah

" receives comfort in the dungeon ; Daniel rejoiceth

" in the lions' den ; the three young men leap in

" the midst of the fiery furnace ; Job, naked and

" destitute, triumphs in the open air ; the thief finds

" a Paradise upon the cross. What therefore, though

" thou art in the public market ? pray within thy-

" self; do not seek for another place, thou thyself

" art a place ; wheresoever therefore thou art, there

" pray. If thou be in the bath, pray there, for

" there also is the church." And p. 3 7- Nunquid

homo est Deus, ut labors quceratur per loca diversa ?

Deus est qui adest ubique? Si quceris hominem, di-

citur tibi non est hie, out non illic vacat : non est

sic in causa Dei; hoc tantum est ut dicas, Miserere

mei Deus, et ipse prope est ut te liberet, et adhuc

loquente te dicit, JEcce adsum. " What ! is God a

" man then that thou must take pains to seek him

" in several places ? It is God who is present every

" where. If indeed thou chancest to look for a

" man, thou art answered, He is not here, or he is

" not at leisure: but the case is not so with God. 30

" Do thou only say, Lord have mercy upon me,

" and he is near thee to deliver thee, and whilst

" thou art yet speaking, saith to thee, Behold, here

" am I."

The second homily published in the Bibliotheca Patrum, t. 3. utterly overthrows the pretended tri bunal of penance, p. Mox ut ascendisti de fonte, vestitus es veste alba, et unctus es unguento mys- tico • facta est super te invocatio, et venit super te trina virtus, quam vas novum hac nova perfudit doctrina, exinde teipsum tibi statuit judicem et ar- bitrum. " As soon as thou art come up from the " fountain, thou art clothed with white raiment, and u anointed with the mystical ointment ; prayers

32 Remarks upon the

CHAP. " have been made over thee, arid the threefold vir-

v- " tue is come upon thee; after that thy new vessel

" is once filled with this new doctrine, thencefor-

" ward he has constituted thee a judge and disposer

" for thyself."

In the third homily, which treats of alms, he makes use of this expression ; In Jordane Christus semel tinctus, sanctificavit aquas; in pauperibus autem semper manet, et assidue abluit crimina lar- gientium. " Christ being once dipped in the river " Jordan, thereby sanctified the waters ; but he al- " ways abides in the poor, and continually washeth " away the sins of those that give to them." This notion of the presence of Jesus Christ in the poor sufficiently makes out the sense of the Fathers, when they speak of the presence of Christ in the Eucharist; especially if we join with it that ex pression of his second homily, p. 127. B. Asperges me aqua Filii tui sacro sanguine mixta. " Thou " wilt sprinkle me with the water mingled with the " holy blood of thy Son."

The opinions of Ennodius, Bishop of Pavia, are evident in several of his works; we shall instance the following places.

We find in the Life of St. Epiphanius, Bishop of Pavia, writ by Ennodius, a representation of the manner how that Bishop did celebrate the Eucharist, which makes it apparent how far he was from ador ing the Eucharist as his God. Junctis pedibus usque 31 ad consummationem mystici opens stare se debere constitute, ita ut humore vestigiorum locum suum depingeret, et longe aspicientibus indicaret. " He " had purposed with himself," saith he, " always to " stand still, with his feet together, till he had fi- " nished that mystical work, so that the moisture " of his footsteps deciphered the place of his stand- " ing, and might be seen by those who were at a " considerable distance." It is but too visible here, that St. Epiphanius and Ennodius knew nothing of

ancient Church of Piedmont. 33

those prostrations which now are used before the CHAP. Sacrament ; because the one of them prescribed this ' constant form to himself, in celebrating the Eucha rist ; and the other commends him for it, as a mark of his piety.

At the end of the said Life, Ennodius gives us an account of the death of St. Epiphanius, much like that of a Protestant Bishop. He had only this word in his mouth, ' Mihl vivere Christus est, et mori lu- crum; " To me to live is Christ, and to die is gain." He was heard to repeat nothing but Psalms of con solation, such as the eighty-eighth Psalm ; and he breathed his last in these words, In manus tuas, Do- mine, commendo spiritum meum; " Into thy hands, " O Lord, I commend my spirit ;" taken out of Psalm xxx. He tells us in plain terms, that his soul returned to heaven, ad sedem suam ccelestis anima remeavit ; " his heavenly soul returned to its own ' place." All which serves to make out, that prayer for the dead had not as yet the belief of purgatory for its foundation, as it hath at this day.

And it was in the same mind that he composed the epitaph of St. Victor, Bishop of Noarre, where we read these verses :

Hie reddens tumults cineres, ad celsa vocatus Spiritus, (Etherea congaudet lucidus arce.

" Having bequeathed his dust to dust,

" His soul is calFd on high ; " There bright and glorious, to partake

" Those joys which never die."

And forasmuch as we see that he in divers places 32 commends St. Ambrose and his successors for or thodox Bishops, I shall not trouble myself to quote any more of his writings ; and the rather, because the most part of his works were letters or poems, relating rather to outward affairs than any matters of religion.

34 Remarks upon the

CHAP. I know they are wont to cite a passage of Enno- v' dius, to prove that the Pope cannot be judged by any one but God. We find nothing more frequent since the time of Gratian and the canonists, than to quote these words of his Apology for Symmachus; Aliorum hominum causas Dem voluit per homines terminari, sed Romans sedis prccsulem, suo, sine qu&stione, reservavit arbitrio. " Other men's cases " God was willing should be determined by men, " but as for the Bishop of Rome, he has reserved " his case for his own cognizance, without exposing " it to a judicial trial." But they signify nothing less, than what they seem to express thus separate from the rest of the discourse. What Ennodius by these terms would declare, is simply this; that Pope Symmachus's adversaries, not having been able to convince him of the horrible crimes whereof they had accused him before king Theodoric, and after wards before the synod assembled by Theodoric, for examining his accusation, his case had been re mitted to the judgment of God, as was customary, when persons could not be convicted by the ordi nary course of judiciary proceedings. De Launoy hath so solidly proved that this was Ennodius's meaning, though of a long time it hath been dis guised, that there is no need to insist further upon it. T. 1. Epist. 9.

Dacius, Bishop of Milan, has left so little in writ ing, that it may seem needless to speak of it ; only it may be to the purpose to observe the carriage of Justinian towards him, who, finding him at Con stantinople, would make him (as well as the Pope's referendary) subscribe the edict which he had pub lished : which shews that he looked upon himself as the head of a diocese, which was as exempt and separate from the Pope of Rome's jurisdiction, as 33 the dioceses of the Patriarchs of the East were. Baronius ad annum 546. . 46.

ancient Church of Piedmont. 35

In the year 590. the Bishops of Italy and of the CHAP. Orisons, to the number of nine, rejected the Com- munion of the Pope, as of an heretic, who had con sented to the abolishing of the Council of Chalce- don, consenting under Justinian to the condemna tion of the three chapters, as may be seen from their letter to the Emperor Mauritius, set down by Ba- ronius, ad h. annum, n. 29. That Emperor having ordered them to be present at the Council of Rome, they were dispensed with by the same Emperor, upon their protesting that they could not commu nicate with Pope Gregory the First. This schism had already continued from the year 553, and lasted near as long after ; so little were they persuaded at that time of the Pope's infallibility, that to lose communion with them was to lose the communion of the Church, or that they held their ordinations from the hand of the Popes, and from the Bishops, subjected to their jurisdiction. Let us proceed now to the belief of the following century.

CHAP. VI.

Opinions of the diocese of Italy during the seventh century.

JL KNOW only of two or three authors that can instruct us in this matter; the one is Maurus, Bishop of Ravenna, who flourished in the midst of the seventh century ; the other Mansuetus, Bishop of Milan, who flourished towards the end of it, viz. from the year 6/7- Of tne ^rst °f these we have an Epistle against the Monothelites, which has been inserted in the Council of Lateran, under Martin the First, in the year 649. Act. 1. Of the second we 34 have an Epistle to the Emperor Constantine, set down in the same Council. The union of them

D 2

36 Remarks upon the

CHAP, both with the Bishops of Rome, for the defence of VL the faith against the Monothelites, is a strong as surance of their purity in the faith. Their opinions are these that follow.

Maurus, who styles himself Servus servorumDei, precisely observes, that the Pope had invited him to be present at Rome at the council, but as a Bishop without his diocese ; for otherwise he might, as be ing one of his suffragans, by his authority have sum moned him thither. And indeed, instead of going to Rome in person, he sent in his place Maurus, Bi shop of Cesena, with one of the Priests of Milan. Ibid. p. 601. He declares that the only means of preserving the purity of the faith is, to keep to the doctrine of the Apostles, which the Fathers had followed, with respect had to the fifth general Coun cil. The words he useth are these, T.6. Cone. p. 96. Unicum omnibus et singulars est Redemptoris Dei, et Domini nostri Jesu Christ i concessum re- medium ad animarum nostrarum salutem, ut ea qu& per Apostolorum pr&dicationem percepimus, et Patrum doctrinam, proculdubio teneamus. " The " only and particular remedy granted to all for the " salvation of our souls, by God our Redeemer, and " the Lord Jesus Christ, is, that, without all doubt, " we hold fast the things we have received by the " preaching of the Apostles, and the doctrine of the " Fathers." He declares that he owns and admits the five general Councils, and that he condemns that which was held at Constantinople in favour of the Monothelites, being supported by the credit of the emperors.

Maximus, Bishop of Aquileia, expresseth the same opinions ; and moreover expressly condemns by name the Monothelite Bishops, Cyrus, Sergius, Pyrrhus, and Paul, p. 97.

Mansuetus, in his Epistle to the Emperor Con- stantine Pogonatus, declares, first, that it was Con- stantine the Great who convened the Council of

ancient Church of Piedmont. 37

Nice, which at this day is very stiffly contested by CHAP. the Church of Rome; that the Emperor Theodosius called together the second Council of Constantinople; 35 and that the Emperor Martianus did the same with regard to the Council of Chalcedon, and Justinian to the fifth general Council.

He declares, that the whole faith of his Church is contained in the Apostles' Creed ; whereof the confession of faith by him sent to the Emperor is only an explication. Which makes it evident, that the Church of Milan, and his diocese, under the reigns of Pertharit and Cunibert, kings of the Lom bards, did not own any other doctrine to belong to the faith and of necessary belief, save only what was contained in the Apostles' Creed ; much less did his Church own that heap of doctrines which Pius the Fourth thought good of his own head to superadd to it.

True it is that he praiseth the ancient doctors of the Church, Leo I. St. Gregory Nazianzen, St. Basil, &c. Quicquid hi docuerunt, saith he, sapuerunt, pr&dicaverunt, vel defensores extiterunt, nos eorum act a vel statuta omni devotione suscipimus. " What- " soever they have taught, judged, preached, or de- " fended, all that we receive with all devotion." Yet however this is not so general as it seems to be, be cause his words have a particular reference to their explications concerning the doctrine of the Trinity, against the heresies of the fourth and fifth century, which was the only matter in question then.

It is worth our while to take notice of the sin gular elogy he gives to St. Ambrose, whom he calls Veneranda Corona Christi Confessor Ambrosius Mediolanensis Ecclesia Pr&sul; " The venerable " Crown of Christ, Ambrosius the Confessor, Bishop " of the Church of Milan." What I have here men tioned of Mansuetus is the more considerable, be cause it was done by him presiding in the synod of his diocese.

D3

38 Remarks upon the

CHAP. Lastly, We may observe that the deputies of ' Mansuetus condemned Honorius, Bishop of Rome, Act. 13. for being a Monothelite ; and the matter at this time is no longer questioned, notwithstand ing Baronius, and some after him, have endeavoured 36 to make it pass for doubtful : whence it appears that in Italy they held it for an inviolable maxim :

First, That the Pope was liable to become an heretic.

Secondly, That none were to continue in com munion with him, save only so far as he continued united to Jesus Christ, as a true believer; so far were they from supposing themselves bound to cleave to the Church of Rome, as they would continue in the communion of our Lord Jesus Christ.

But though we have but few particular authors that might inform us of the opinions and worship that took place in that diocese ; yet have we some thing that seems more authentic, viz. the Liturgy which bears the name of St. Ambrose. And for asmuch as this piece was made use of before this century, and that since that time it has served for a model of the devotion of that diocese, it will be of some importance carefully to examine the same, and the rather, because though I speak of it only in this place, yet the observations drawn from thence may and ought to be applied to the foregoing ages, as well as those that follow after.

CHAP. VII.

Some Reflections upon the Liturgy of this Diocese, called the Ambrosian Liturgy.

of the most certain ways to be informed concerning the faith of a Church, is to consult her Liturgy. I am not ignorant that what Josephus

ancient Church of Piedmont. 39

Vicecomes tells us concerning the antiquity of the CHAP. Ambrosian Liturgy, viz. that St. Barnabas was the VIL author of it, that it was afterwards augmented 'by 3 7 Merocles ; and lastly, having been revised by St. Ambrose, it obtained the name of Ambrosian, is ab solutely false, and so ridiculous a conceit, that it is wholly rejected by Cardinal Bona. Neither am I ignorant that the miracle related by Durandus, Ra tional. Offic. 1. v. c. 2. as of the life of St. Eugenius, concerning the Ambrosian Office, is just such an other story, which deserves no manner of credit, notwithstanding that Ripomontius has endeavoured to maintain it. But however we cannot deny the truth of what follows.

First, That this Liturgy has the Psalms, and divers other texts of Scripture of the ancient version called the Italic.

Secondly, That Walafridus Strabo, who lived in the midst of the ninth century, has cited this Li turgy under the name of the Liturgy of St. Ambrose. Indeed it seems very probable, that as several cen turies before the ninth they had in divers dioceses fixed a form of Divine service, to be observed in the respective Churches of the same diocese ; whereas before, viz. in the fourth and fifth century, every Bishop had the liberty of prescribing the form him self; so that of Milan conformed to the same rule, and the name of St. Ambrose was made use of by posterity, as being so very famous, and because that St. Ambrose had probably dictated several of the Collects therein contained ; much in the same man ner, as in the east they have given the name of the Liturgy of St. Basil and St. Chrysostom to the Litur gies which were made use of in the dioceses where these great men once flourished.

It is true, we have not this Liturgy now, preserved to us exactly as it was used in the primitive centu ries: it has been variously changed by the rashness

D 4

40 Remarks upon the

CHAP, of those who succeeded those primitive authors,

I1!!^ which has also happened to the greatest part of

these works ; as is acknowledged by Cardinal Bo- na and Mabillon. It is likewise true, that since the Popes have been sovereigns of the west, they have, by themselves or by their creatures, brought in a vast number of variations in the books of the 38 public Offices; which changes have been introduced with more ease, since the Latin began to be looked upon as a barbarous language.

We have an illustrious proof hereof in the Am- brosian Office for Good Friday, where we find a prayer for the consecrating of a cross, precedent to its adoration. For it is certain that Pope Adrian the First, who lived towards the end of the eighth century, declares that the Church did not consecrate any images ; this being a practice that was intro duced long after: and we find in the life of St. Lewis a complaint of that prince concerning this subject ; whence it appears that these prayers must needs have been of a very late date.

We have another example hereof, which cannot be disputed; it is in the Canon, where we find at pre sent these words, pro quibus tibi ojferimus, vel qui tibi offerunt : whereas those words pro quibus tibi p. 301. ojferimus were foisted in in the thirteenth century, as Hugo Menardus doth ingenuously acknowledge upon the book of the Sacraments of St. Gregory. This addition was made after that the doctrine of the sacrifice of the mass was received ; and indeed it was altogether necessary, since without it there could be no oblation made by the Priest in that pretended sacrifice, which was looked upon as a capital inconvenience.

A third proof hereof we have in the feast of St. Barnabas, who is accounted the first Bishop of Milan, and to whom they attribute the cursing of the heathen temple at Milan, whereupon a part

ancient Church of Piedmont. 41

thereof fell down, and crushed several of the idol- CHAP. aters under its ruins, which is a story drawn from VIiy legends of no ancient standing.

But after all it is easy to prove that this Liturgy was not at first tainted with any of those errors, wherewith it was filled in the following ages, and in particular since the twelfth century, towards the end of which the Popes took care to change or abrogate all Liturgies whatsoever, that instead there of that of Rome might be introduced ; following therein the spirit of Pope Adrian, who had begun this work, being supported therein by the favour of39 the Emperor Charles the Great, who first introduced this spirit of change.

First of all then I maintain that this Liturgy had none of the Confiteor of the Priest, as we find it at this day in the Roman missal, which Confiteor is at this day made to the blessed Virgin, angels and saints, as well as to God. Now it is certain that this cus tom is only of late ages : we have an undoubted proof hereof in the Confiteor set down by Chrode- gandus, Bishop of Metz, who lived in the time of Pepin, father of Charles the Great. Regulce Cano- nicorum, cap. 18. Ad pr imam Clero congregato do- nant confessiones, saas vlcissim dicentes, Confiteor Domino et t'M Jrater quod peccavi. " At the first " canonical hour the Clergy being assembled, they " make their mutual confessions, saying, I confess " to the Lord, and thee my brother, that I have " sinned."

It is necessary to observe here,

1st, That this rule, for the most part of it, is bor rowed from that of St. Bennet, who lived in the Pope's diocese.

2dly, That the same has been almost wholly transcribed in the Acts of the Council of Aix la Chapelle, in the year 81 6.

3dly, That these confessions to the Virgin, the angels and saints, are not found in any of the

42 Remarks upon the

CHAP, ancient forms of confession, whereof we have a V1L considerable number, which may be seen in the "notes of Hugo Menardus upon the book of the Sa crament of St. Gregory, p. 224. et seq.

Secondly, I maintain that there was nothing in this Liturgy which implied any direct invocation of the saints, but only it supposeth that they intercede for the Church. We own, that since the fourth century the Church has avowedly demanded several favours of God by the intercession of saints ; but we do not find that they prayed directly to them. It is true there are several passages in this Liturgy, wherein favours are begged of God per preces et merita sanctorum, by the prayers and merits of the saints. But the word merit) then, contains nothing that can 40 offend us, if we take it in the sense of the primitive Church, as signifying nothing else but godliness. There are a thousand passages that prove this in vincibly, as well in St. Ambrose, as in those authors that have succeeded him : and in this Liturgy by merit and to merit the Church did not pretend to obtain by way of justice, but only to obtain in ge neral, as when we read in the Roman office, O felix culpa, qua tantam meruit salutem! " O happy fault, " which procured so great salvation !"

Thirdly, I maintain that we find therein no other oblation of the bread and wine to God in the action of the Sacrament, but the oblation of the bread and wine to the Priest who officiated, which even to this day is yet practised by some men and women at Milan, according to the account given us thereof by Cardinal Bona and Mabillon ; for otherwise this was absolutely impossible, because the expression of pro quibus offerimus, p. 301 . made use of by the Priest to denote his action, was never put into the Roman missal until the thirteenth century, as Me nardus, a learned Benedictine, doth own. Secondly, Because this notion of offering the Sacrament for a propitiatory sacrifice, is a thing even unknown to the

ancient Church of Piedmont. 43

most ancient of the Schoolmen, as our Divines have CHAP. sufficiently proved from their silence on that question. V]L And certainly this is so strange a notion, that in con sequence of it we must hold, that Jesus Christ is sacrificed and offered up to himself; for we find in the prayers of St. Anselm, falsely attributed to St. Ambrose, these expressions, which are very singular, p. 175. Ut offer am tibi sacrlficium quod mstituisti, et offerri pr&cepisti In commemoration em tui pro salute nostra: suscipe vero istud, qu&so, summe Deus, dilectissime Jesu Christ e, pro Ecclesia tua sancta. "That I may offer to thee the sacrifice thou " hast instituted, and commanded to be offered in re- " membrance of thee, for our salvation: receive it, " most high God, dearest Jesus Christ, we beseech " thee, for thy holy Church." It was necessary for them to change their words, after they had changed their opinion. It was only the belief of transub- stantiation, that made way for the belief of a sacri fice properly so called, as the Church of Rome be lieves at this day. Now it is commonly enough 41 known, that the Romish Church has hatched that article herself; and the history of this change is so exactly set down, that it is needless to make any stop at it.

Fourthly, This innovation can be demonstratively proved, from this Ambrosian Liturgy alone. And not to mention now, that it contained no office for the Fridays in Lent, which shews, that at that time they believed that the receiving of the Sacrament was a breaking of the fast; upon which account also they call it vitalia aliment a, " food of life," and wholly overthrows the notion of transubstanti- ation.

We find there also this prayer for the Post-com munion, p. 310. Pignus vita aternce capientes, hu- millter te, Domine, imploramus, ut apost olicis fulti patrociniis, quod in imagine contigimus Sacramenti9 manifest a perceptione sumamus. " JIaving received

44 Remarks upon the

CHAP. " this pledge of eternal life, we humbly beseech vii. u thee, O Lord, that being assisted with apostolical " suffrages, what we have now touched in the image " of the Sacrament, we may by manifest perception " take and receive." This prayer is found in the missal of Gelasius, and in other ancient missals. Now, according to the observation of Ratramnus, that which is a pledge and image, is so of another thing different from itself.

We find there the Communion under both kinds, p. 207. as well as the preservation of those two kinds, and their mixture, p. 304. in such a manner as quite overthrows the notion of concomitance re ceived in the Church of Rome.

We meet there also with this prayer, Hanc obla- tionem suscipias in sublimi altari tuo, per manus angelorum tuorum, sicut suscipere dignatus es mu- nera pueri tui justi Abel, &c. " Receive this offering " on thy high altar, from the hands of thy angels, " as thou wast pleased to receive the gifts of thy " servant righteous Abel." p. 302, 303. Which clauses have made the Schoolmen to sweat blood and water, in endeavouring to reconcile them with the notion of the real presence.

42 We find there also this prayer, which absolutely decides the question, JStterne Deus, suppliciter im- plorantes, ut Films tuus Jesus Christus, qui se in Jine seculi suis promisit Jidelibus affuturum, et prasentia corporalis mysteriis, non deserat quos redemit, et majestatis su& benejiciis non relinquat. " Beseeching thee, O eternal God, that thy Son " Jesus Christ, who has promised to be with be- " lievers to the end of the world, may not forsake " those he has redeemed, with respect of the mys- " teries ; he may not deprive those whom he has " redeemed, of the mysteries of his corporal pre- " sence, nor leave them destitute of the blessings of " his majesty." It seems evident, that these words, " the mysteries of his bodily presence," signify

ancient Church of Piedmont. 45

r, that Jesus Christ is absent, with respect to CHAP. lis flesh, though his hody be present in its image., VI1' which represents it to us.

It is commonly supposed, from the testimony of Lib. 5. de the books of the Sacraments attributed to St. Am- ;?acram- c- brose, that the Ambrosian Liturgy had this clause: Fac nobis hanc oblationem adscriptam, rationabi- lem, acceptabilem, quod est Jigura corporis et san- guinis Domini nostrl Jesu Christi. " Make this of- " fering to be imputed to us, reasonable and accept- " able, which is a figure of the body and blood " of our Lord Jesus Christ." And indeed, though the word figure be not found now in Pamelius's edition of the Ambrosian Liturgy; nevertheless, first, we find, that by a marginal note he refers his reader to St. Ambrose himself, de Sacram. lib. 5. cap. 5. Secondly, Pamelius, in his 6oth title, where he sets down the words of consecration, cites the place of St. Ambrose with the word Jigura. Thirdly, we find it so in the edition of St. Ambrose, printed at Paris in the year 1529. The words are these : Vis scire quia verbis ccelestibus consecratur, accipe qu& sunt verba. Dicit sacerdos, Fac nobis, inquit, hanc oblationem adscriptam, rationabilem et acceptabilem, quod est Jigura corporis et sanguinis Domini nostri Jesu Christi. This passage has been corrupted in other editions ; but Paschasius's quoting of it in the year 835, in his treatise of the body and blood of our Lord, confounds the authors of this falsification. But to speak the truth, as I do not be lieve that these books of the Sacraments were writ 43 by St. Ambrose, though Mabillon assures us that they have been found at St. Gal, under his name ; so neither have I any certainty that this prayer was taken out of the Office or Liturgy of St. Ambrose. What passages I have already cited are sufficient to shew, that the carnal presence was not then believed by the diocese of Italy. They who are willing to examine the said Liturgy will find many other pas-

46 Remarks upon the

CHAP, sages in it, that do invincibly confirm the same V1I> truth.

By this we may judge what likelihood there is of finding any thing in this Liturgy concerning the adoration of the Host after consecration : indeed, we are so far from finding any such thing there, that we meet with no hint thereof even in the ages after Paschasius ; of which we can give a demonstrative proof, viz. that whereas at this day use is made of the adoration of the Host to prove the real presence, none of those that disputed against Berengarius for almost an hundred years together, did mention one word of that proof, which should clearly make out, that Berengarius and Scotus were innovators, by op posing themselves to a belief, which served for a foundation to establish a worship, which the Church had publicly owned and practised.

I say nothing here concerning that clause made use of in the Ambrosian Liturgy, wherein they pray for the dead, that " sleep the sleep of peace." Thus much is evident, that that prayer is as contrary to the notion of purgatory, as those we find in the Roman Liturgy; as our authors, and Blondel in par ticular, have shewed. The prayer for the dead, p. 298. which that Liturgy contains, was founded upon other principles than those which the doctors of Rome at this day admit of; as hath been made out from the confessions of the learned men of that communion themselves. The substance of these prayers is, \h&ijidelibus vita mutatur, non tollitur, et in timoris Dei observations defunctis domicillum perpetua fceluitatis acquiritur. "As to believers, " their life [by death] is only changed, not taken " away, and that the deceased, who have lived in 44 " the observance of the fear of God, do acquire a " mansion of perpetual felicity:" as we find the words in the prayer for many souls, p. 451. Not to insist now, that in the next following prayer the bosom of Abraham is taken for the state of glory;

ancient Church of Piedmont. 47

which the Church of Rome contradicts and rejects CHAP. at present.

I own, that in the Ambrosian Liturgy, p. 341 . we find the anointing of the sick and possessed persons mentioned, but only with reference to the obtaining the remission of their sins, and their cure ; which cannot be the Roman unction. We find there this clause : Concede infusione Sancti Spiritus, olim tibi placitani) pr&sentis olei confirmes, nobilltesque sub- stantiam, ut quicquid ex eo in humano genere tactum fuerit, ad naturam trameat mox supernam. " Grant i( by the infusion of the Holy Spirit, so to strengthen " and enrich the substance of this present oil, for- " merly accepted of by thee, that whosoever of the " race of mankind shall therewith be touched, may " immediately be exalted to the nature that is from " on high."

What we meet with there likewise concerning the consecration of the chrism used in Confirmation, contains nothing that can give us much trouble. We acknowledge that it is a ceremony which has been practised since the fourth century, as an ap pendix to Baptism ; neither do we look upon that ceremony as blameworthy, but only so far as the Church of Rome has pretended to make a sacra ment of it, properly so called, and thereby to make a ceremony, introduced by men, equal to that which was instituted by our Lord Jesus Christ himself. And I have the same thing to say concerning the benediction of the fire and the wax candles at Easter, the benediction of the fonts, and some other cere monies we meet with there.

Moreover, we find there, as well as in the Roman Liturgy, a prayer wherein remission of sins is begged of God, calling him non (Estimator meriti, sed venia donator; " not a regard er (of merit, but a giver of " pardon :" which expression one of the most famous Schoolmen has looked upon as absolutely contrary to the doctrine of merit, as it is held at present. So

48 Remarks upon the

CHAP, likewise, p. 298. we find these words, Iniquitates VIL meas ne respexeris, sed sola tua misericordia mlhi 45 prosit indigno ; " Do not thou regard mine iniquities, " but let thy alone mercy help me unworthy."

After all, we must continually remember, that this piece comes from very suspected hands. Pa- melius, who is the first that has printed it, confess- eth himself to have cut off a great part of it, which he pretends indeed to have done only to avoid repe tition : but it is well known, that these sort of works must be very exactly inspected, to be well assured of the force of the expressions therein contained, and to be able to pass a certain judgment concerning them. I return now to the method I have prescribed to myself.

CHAP. VIII.

Opinions of the Churches of Italy during the eighth century.

T.7. Con- WE may be informed concerning the state of cii.P.ioo2.these churches? first by the Council of Forojulio, wherein no other Creed is prescribed to the people, but that of the Apostles, nor any other prayer, but the Lord's Prayer; by which, in abstaining from wicked works, men may certainly arrive at salvation. Secondly, by their Bishops assisting at the Council of Francfort, in the year 794. which was a synod of the western Church. Paulinus, Bishop of Aquileia, who was present there, wrote at the same time a book against the doctrine of Fcelix, Bishop of Urgel, and Elipandus, Bishop of Toledo, who maintained the opinions of Nestorius. It appears, that he wrote this book by the order of Charles the Great, during P. 315. the session of that council. He plainly asserts, in

ancient Church of Piedmont. 49

this writing, first, that the Bishops were convened CHAP. there by the orders of Charles the Great; he knew VIIf' not that it belonged to the Pope alone to regulate matters of faith, and assemble councils. Secondly, 46 that what he attributes to the Church, that she can not be overcome by heresies, which are the gates of hell, has reference only to the universal Church, P.316,319. very far from attributing this privilege to the Popes, as being the successors of St. Peter. Thirdly, that this Council did not expect their authority from the Pope's confirmation ; since they maintain, that Fce- lix and Elipandus ought to be excommunicated post plenaricB synodl judiciuni, " upon judgment " passed by a full council."

I acknowledge, that he seems to give great defer ence to the authority of Pope Adrian, when he saith, that the followers of Fcelix and Elipandus ought to be excommunicated with their masters, Reservato per omnia juris privilegio sumnii pontificis domini et patris nostri, Adriani, prima sedis beatlssimi Papa; "The rightful privileges of the high priest " our lord and father Adrian, the most blessed Pope " of the principal see, being always reserved entire." But it is plain, that he makes use of this condescen sion for no other reason, but because Charles the Great had desired him to consult Pope Adrian upon so important a question ; though indeed, the excom munication being already pronounced, this, after all, could be nothing more than a ceremony, or at the most a wise precaution, to hinder the Pope from en gaging himself with a bad party.

We have a certain proof hereof, from the manner how Paulinus and the Bishops of Italy did agree to condemn the definitions of the second Council of Nice, in the year 7^7? as idolatrous definitions, not withstanding that Pope Adrian had assisted at that Council by his legates, and though he did his ut most endeavours to maintain them. All authors of

5O Remarks upon the

CHAP, the ninth century, and next following, do unani- mously testify, that the Council of Francfort, where Paulinus and his fellow-deputies of the diocese of Italy were present, did condemn the second Council of Nice, notwithstanding that Theophylact and Stephen, the Pope's legates, assisted at it. We may easily conceive from hence what was the judgment of the Bishops of Italy, with reference to the Pope, 47 and those that joined with him : if they held any communion with the Pope, they did it only with design to bring him back again to the truth ; so that they acted conformably to the opinion of the Bi shops of France, which is expressed by Jonas, Bishop of Orleans, upon the same occasion, lib. 1. p. 539. and 540. notwithstanding Jonas pronounceth ana thema against those that worship images.

I shall say nothing concerning the exhortation which St. Paulinus addresseth to the Bishops, to wards the end of his book, that they would pray to God, by the intercession of the holy Virgin and St. Peter, the first pastor of the Church, and of all saints, and by the suffrages of the Council, to defend the Emperor; for we find, after all, that this is only a wish founded on this supposal, that saints, after death, may pray for the welfare of the living; which seems probable enough.

We find also what was the doctrine of Paulinus, Bishop of Aquileia, in the book he wrote against Fcelix, Bishop of Urgel, at the request of Charles the Great. See how he expresseth himself concern ing the Eucharist, in his dedication to Charles the Great, p. 1766, &c. initio. He affirms, that the Eu charist consists of bread ; he calls it, buccella et par- ticula panis, " a morsel and bit of bread :" he main tains, that it is either death or life in the mouth of him that eats it, according as he hath or hath not faith: than which nothing could be spoke more clear, to prove that the Eucharist is nothing but

ancient Church of Piedmont. 51

bread and substance, and that faith or incredulity CHAP. makes all the difference that is found amongst com- _ 1_ municants.

He refers and applies the character of priest, ac cording to the order of Melchizedeck, to the incar nation and cross of Jesus Christ, and not to the sa crifice of the Mass. He thunders out anathemas against all human satisfactions ; maintaining, that the blood of none of those that have been redeemed themselves is capable to blot out the least sin, and that that is the privilege of our Saviour Jesus Christ alone, p.

He lays it down as a rule, that the human nature 48 in Christ is so circumscribed, as to be only in one place, p. 1833. Natura namque oiler a, hoc est homi- nis, erat in terra tantummodo ; alter a ubique in ccelo et in terra, hoc est divina. Potuit ergo, quod duo erant, divinum sc. et humanum, aliud in coelo et ubique esse, et aliud in terra solummodo. Non ta- men potuit ille qui unus erat, Films videlicet Dei et hominis, non totus ubique esse, in coelo pariter et in terra. Ubique sane totus quia unus est et omnipo- tens Deus; unus idemque omnipotentis Dei, et ho minis Filius. Humana namque natura non descendit, nee fuit ibi priusquam, in Deum assumpta, ascend er et corporaliter in coelum. Filius autem, hominis quia unus idemque ipse est Filius Dei, et de coelo de scendit, unde nunquam discesserat, et in coelo erat, cum loqueretur in terra; et in terram venit ubi ei*at, et in coelum ascensurus erat per- id quod homo est, et ibi ascendit ubi erat prius, per id quod Deus est. Domini namque sunt verba dicentis, Nemo ascendit in coelum, nisi qui descendit de coelo, Films horn in is qui est in coelo. " One of his natures, the human, was " only upon earth : the other, that is, the Divine " nature, was every where, both in heaven and on " earth : wherefore, because these were two natures, " viz. the Divine and human, the one of them could " be in heaven, and every where, and the other only

E 2

52 Remarks upon the

CHAP. « on earth. Yet notwithstanding, he who was the VIIL " only Son both of God and man, could not but be " wholly every where, both in heaven and on earth ; " whole every where, because he is the one and om- " nipotent God ; one and God Almighty, and the " one Son of Almighty God and man. For the hu- " man nature did not come down from heaven, nei- " ther was it there, till being taken up to God, it " ascended corporally into heaven. And because fe the Son of man is one and the same with the Son " of God, therefore he came down from heaven, " from whence he never departed, and was in hea- " ven while he spoke here upon earth ; and he came " down to the earth, where he was before, and was " to ascend into heaven, as he was man, and as he " was God, he ascended where he was before ; for " they are the words of our Lord, No man ascends 49" up into heaven, but he that came down from hea- (C ven, even the Son of man, who is in heaven." Which is the same opinion we find expressed in the Council of Forojulio, in the year 791- in which Paulinus Bishop of Aquileia presided. T. 7- Cone. p. 1001.

He asserts, that in celebrating the Eucharist we feed upon the Divine nature of Jesus Christ, which cannot be said, but only with respect to believ ers, and must be understood metaphorically; which plainly shews what his belief was concerning the oral manducation of the body of Jesus Christ, p. 1836. Vel qua ratione si adoptivus Jllius esty qui non manducat carnem Filii hominis, et non bibit ejus sanguinem, non habet vitam czternam? Qui man- ducat^ inquit, meam carnem, et bibit meum sangui nem, habet vitam (Eternam, et ego resuscitabo eum in novissimo die. Caro mea vere e,st cibus, et sanguis meus vere est potus. Resuscitandi in novissimo die potestas nulli alio nisi vero permanet Deo. Caro namque et sanguis ad humanam, per quam Films hominis est, non ad Divinam referri potest naturam.

ancient Church of Piedmont. 53

Et tamen si ille Films hominis cui h&c caro et san- CHAP. guis est, pro eo quod unus idemque sit Dei et homi- V11L nis Films, si Deus verus non esset, caro ejus et san- guis manducantibus et bibentibus se, nullo modo vitam prcestaret aternam. Unde et Johannes Evan- gelista ait, Et sanguis Filii ejus lavat nos ab omni peccato. Aut cujus caro et sanguis dat vitam man ducantibus et bibentibus se, nisi Filii hominis, quern Deus signavit Pater, qui est verus et omnipotens Filius Dei 9 Nam et panis vivus pro nobis descendit de coelo, qui dat vitam mundo; quique ex eo man- ducaverit non moritur in aternum : ipse enim dicit, Ego sum panis vivus, qui de coelo descendi. Sic quippe descendit panis vivus de ccelo, qui semper manebat in coelo, sicut Filius hominis descendit de coelo, qui quoniam unus idemque erat Filius Dei, nunquam deseruit coelum. "Or how, if he be an " adopted son only, is it said, that he who doth " not eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his " blood, hath not eternal life ? He that eats, saith " he, my flesh, and drinks my blood, hath eternal " life, and I will raise him up at the last day. My " flesh is meat indeed, and my blood is drink in- " deed. The power of raising up at the last day '< belongs to none, but the true God ; for the flesh " and blood cannot be referred to his Divine, but to 50 " his human nature, by which he is the Son of man: " and yet, if that Son of man, whose this flesh and " blood is, (for that one and the same person is both " the Son of God and the Son of man,) were not " true God, his flesh and blood could not procure " eternal life to those that eat them. And therefore " John the Evangelist saith, And the blood of his " Son cleanseth us from all sin. Or, whose flesh and " blood gives life to those that eat and drink them, " but the Son of man's, whom God the Father hath " sealed, who is the true and Almighty Son of God ; " for He, the bread of life, is come down from hea- " ven for us, who gives life unto the world, and who-

E3

54 Remarks upon the

CHAP. « soever eats thereof shall live for ever: for he him- " self saith, I am the bread of life that came down " from heaven : for this bread of life came down " from heaven, which also always stayed in heaven, " in the same manner as the Son of man came down " from heaven, who, because he is also the Son of " God, never left heaven."

We cannot meet with a more orthodox explication of the office of Mediator and Advocate, than that is which he sets down, or a greater precaution than he gives us, not to look upon the saints as mediators, p. 1790. Mediator igitur ab eo, quod medlus sit intra utrasque dissidentium partes, et reconciUet ambos in unum, &c. Denique non Paulus mediator, sed le- gatus Jidelis Mediatoris; Legationem,inquit,fun- gimur pro Christo, reconciUamini Deo. Advocatus namque est, qui jam pro reconciliatis interpellate quemadmodum idem Redemptor noster facit, cum humanam Deo Patri, in unitate Dei, hominisque persona, naturam ostendit. Hoc est enim Deurn Pa- trem pro nobis interpellare. Joannes non interpel- lare, sed ipsum etiam esse propitiationem pro pec- catis nostris declarat. " Wherefore he is called the " Mediator, because he is a middle person between (e both the disagreeing parties, and reconciles them " together in one," &c. " Lastly, Paul is not a medi- " ator, but a faithful ambassador of the Mediator. " We are ambassadors for Christ, and the sum of " our embassy is, Be ye reconciled to God. An ad- " vocate is one that intercedes for those that are al- 51 " ready reconciled, even as our Redeemer doth, when " he shews his human nature to God the Father, " in the unity of his Person, who is God-man ; for " this is truly to intercede with God the Father for " us. John doth not say, that he intercedes for us, " but declares him to be a propitiation for our sins."

He clearly shews in the same place, p. 179^- that he did not look upon the saints as redeemers, but Jesus Christ alone, according to the signification of

ancient Church of Piedmont. 55

his name; since none of them, who have been re- CHAP.

deemed themselves, are able to blot out sin. Etenim L_

omnipotentis Dei Filius, omnipotens Dominus nostery quia pretio sanguinis sui nos redemit,jure Redemp- tor, verus omnium redemptorum vocibus pr&dicatur. Non, inquam, ille redemptus, quia nunquam cap- tivus; nos vero redempti, quiafuimus captivi^ venun- dati sub peccato, obligati nimirum in eo chirographo decreti, quod ipse tulit de medio, delens sanguine suo, quod nullius alius redemptorum delere potuit sanguis,adfixit illud^palam triumphans in semetipso. " For the Son of the Almighty God, our Almighty " I^ord, because he has redeemed us with the price " of his blood, is justly called the true Redeemer, " by all that are redeemed by him. He, I say, was " not redeemed, because he was never captive ; but " we are redeemed, who were captives, sold under " sin, and bound by the hand-writing that was " against us, which he took away, blotting it out " with his blood, which the blood of no other " redeemer could do, and fixed it to his cross, openly " triumphing over it in himself."

It plainly appears, that he had no other notion concerning the obscurity of Scripture than we have, by his reproaching Foalix, that he had done accord ing to St. Peter's discourse concerning the writings of St. Paul. p. 1795, and 1796.

He doth not own, that the Church was founded on St. Peter, but on Jesus Christ, p. 180O and 1801. Et licet esset primus in ordine Apostolorum, ideo tarnen dm siluit, quia non Dominus quid illi, pro quibus solus Petrus responsuras erat, sed quid ho mines de Filio hominis (Estimarent, explorare dig- natus est. " And though he were the first amongst " the Apostles, yet he did not speak for some time, 52 " because the Lord did not inquire what they, for " whom only Peter was to answer, but wThat men " thought of the Son of man."

He lays it down as an inviolable maxim of Christ- E 4

56 Remarks upon the

CHAP, ianity, that we cannot believe but in God only, in VIIf" opposition to that which is taught by the Church of Rome.

He wholly overthrows the immaculate conception of the blessed Virgin, p. 1808. ad finem. Ipse quippe solus et singulariter de Spiritu Sancto conceptus, et natus ex Virgine, a vulva sine peccato prodiit Deus et homo. " For he alone being in a singular manner, " conceived by the Holy Ghost, and born of the " Virgin, came forth from the womb without sin, " both God and man."

If any one will take the pains to examine the opinions of this Bishop, he will find it an hard thing not to take notice, that he denies what the Church of Rome affirms, with relation to all these articles ; and that he affirms what the Church of Rome denies: and whatever colourable arts may be employed, it will be very hard not to perceive this opposition through them all.

I join with St. Paulinus of Aquileia, Paulus Dia- conus of the same Church, who, forasmuch as he was very famous towards the end of the eighth, and about the beginning of the ninth century, we have reason not to pass over his opinions without some notice taken of them ; and the rather doth his judg ment deserve a more particular consideration, be cause he was born in Lombardy, was Deacon of the Church of Aquileia, whence he was removed by Charles the Great, after his having taken Desiderius, the last king of the Lombards, prisoner, and was honoured with the favour of Charles the Great. We have several of his pieces, but I shall content myself with two of his treatises, the one whereof is the Life of St. Gregory the Great, because the Papists believe they have found in that book an invincible proof for transubstantiation ; the other is, the col lection of homilies he made for all the festival days of the year, by the order of Charles the Great, and which that Emperor authorized by his approbation.

ancient Church of Piedmont. 57

He tells us, in the Life of St. Gregory, that a CHAP. Roman lady, who was used to make the bread her- 11T> self which she offered for the Communion, smiling 53 when St. Gregory offered a piece of it to her in the Eucharist, St. Gregory perceiving it, took back the piece of bread, and gave it to the Deacon, to keep it till the Communion was over, at which time he demanded of her why she had laughed : to which she answered, that it was because he called that the body of our Lord, which she knew to be a piece of the same bread she had offered. Where upon St. Gregory made a sermon to the people, exhorting them to beg of God, that he would be pleased to manifest that to them, which that un believing woman could not see with the eyes of faith. After prayer, he draws near to the altar, lifts up the corporal pall that covered the piece of bread, and shews them the top of his little finger stained with blood, ac jnulieri dixit. Disce, inquam, veritati vel modo jam credere contest anti, Panisy quern ego do., caro mea est, et sanguis meus vere est potus. Sed pr&scius Conditor noster in- Jirmitatis nostra, ea potestate, qua cuncta fecit ex nihilo, et corpus sibi, ex came semper Virginis, ope- rante Sancto Spiritu fahricavit, panem et vinum aqua mixtum, manente propria specie in carnem et sanguinem suum, ad Catholicam precem, ob repara- tionem nostram, Spiritus Sancti sanctificatione con- vertit: " and said to the woman, Learn, I say, from " henceforward, at least to believe Truth itself, " which saith, The bread which I give is my flesh, " and my blood is drink indeed. But our Creator " foreseeing our weakness, by the same power by " which he made the world of nothing, and made " himself a body; by the operation of the Holy " Ghost, of the flesh of the ever Virgin, has by the " sanctification of the Holy Spirit converted the " bread and wine mixed with water, still remaining " under their own kind, into his flesh and blood, at " the catholic prayer, for our salvation." This done,

58 Remarks upon the

CHAP, he commanded all the people to beg of God, id in

V1IL formam pristinam sacrosanctum refbrmaret myste-

rium, quatenus mulieri ad sumendum fuisset possi-

bile; " that he would change that holy mystery into

" the form it had before, so as the woman might

54" be able to take it; which happening accordingly,

" strengthened the faith of that lady, and of all the

" people that were present."

I shall not examine at present, whether this his tory be a fable or not : sure it is, that most of the particulars it contains seem to be of that character, or at least we find none there, whose truth is attested by witnesses that lived at the time of St. Gregory, or soon after. But let this be as it will, I deny that these miracles, whereof we have some other in stances in the book entitled, Vita Patrum, can be of any use to confirm the doctrine of transubstantiation, as Mabillon pretends in the margin of this relation ; and that consequently Paulus Diaconus, who relates the same, did not believe transubstantiation.

First, I deny, that by the word species ever any one, speaking of bread, understood any other thing than the substance of bread. Let them prove to us, that the word species did ever heretofore signify the accidents only; this being a notion which transub stantiation gave birth to some ages after that wherein Paulus Diaconus lived.

Secondly, I deny, that from this apparition we can infer the real presence ; we may indeed from thence conclude a virtual presence, but nothing more. The consequence is so clear, that it hath been acknowledged by the Schoolmen, whilst they were inquiring, what might be concluded from these kind of apparitions of the flesh of a child, of blood in the Eucharist. And indeed, if any such thing were to be inferred from these ap paritions, we ought also to conclude the con trary; for there have been miracles quite oppo site to these now related. I will instance in a very notable one. A Severian heretic having locked up

ancient Church of Piedmont. 5$

the Eucharist, that his servant, who was a Catholic, CHAP, had put in his trunk, as Moschus tells us, c. 79. he VIH' found ears of corn in the stead of it. Was the sub stance of bread here returned again, and did it af terwards bring forth ears of corn ? Those of the Romish Church are very far from believing any such thing. We read also in the Life of Melanius Bishop of Rhennes, that the Eucharist was changed into a serpent, to punish the superstition of Marsus, who had preferred the keeping of a fast to the receiving 55 of the Communion, and that afterwards the said serpent was changed into the Eucharist again at the prayer of Melanius, and was then received by Marsus.

Besides, Paulus Diaconus himself shews us in his following relation., what he would have us to con clude from this sort of miracles. He tells us, that a great lord having sent his ambassadors to Rome, to obtain some relics of the Apostles and Martyrs, that St. Gregory, instead of the relics they desired, gave them only some pieces of consecrated cloth, which he severally put up into boxes, and delivered them unto the ambassadors, having first sealed the boxes with his own seal. And adds, that the ambassadors being seized with a curiosity, on their journey home ward, to know what those boxes contained, they had been strangely surprised, upon opening of them, to find nothing there but some scraps of cloth, which made them return back to Rome, to make their complaint, that, instead of the bones of Martyrs or Apostles, they had given them nothing but some bits of cloth. Upon these complaints made by the ambassadors to the Archdeacon, St. Gregory com- mandeth them to come to church, and exhorted the people to pray to God ; Quatenus in hac re dignetur apertissime sic suam potentiam patefacere, ut quid mereaturjides, evidentius minus creduli et ignoran- tes possint cognoscere. Et data oratione accepit cultellum qui temeravcrat signa, et super alt are

60 Remarks upon the

CHAP, corporis sancti Petri, accept am unam panni portio-

' nem per medium pungens secuit, ex qua statim san-

guis decucurrit, et omnem eandem portiunculam cruentavit. Videntes autem suprascripti legatarii, et omnes populi, stupendum et arcanum Jidei sacra miraculum, ceciderunt proni in terram, adorantes Dominum, dicentes, Mirabilis Deus in sanctis suis, Deus Israel, ipse dabit virtutem etjbrtitudinemplebi su<e, benedictus Deus. Et facto silentio, inter alia Jidei documenta, dixit ad eos beatus Gregorius, qui ante has venerandas reliquias parvi duxerant, Sci- tote,fratres, quia in consecratione corporis et san- guinis Domini nostri Jesu, cum ob sanctificationem reliquiarum in honor e Apostolorum vel Marty rum ipsius quibus specialiter assignabantur ; supra sacro- 56 sanctum alt are libamina offerebantur, semper il- lorum sanguis hos pannos intravit qui ejfusus est pro nomine Christi Domini nostri. " That he would " be pleased so openly to declare his power on this " occasion, that the unbelievers and the ignorant " might know what faith is able to effect. And " prayer being ended, he took the knife wherewith " the seals had been broke open, and laying one of " those pieces of cloth upon the holy altar of St. " Peter, he struck the knife through it, from whence " immediately blood gushed forth, which stained " the whole piece of cloth : whereupon the ambas- " sadors and all the people beholding this astonish- " ing and mysterious miracle of holy faith, fell flat " down with their faces to the ground, and wor- " shipped the Lord, saying, Wonderful is the Lord " in his saints, the God of Israel, he shall give vir- " tue and strength to his people, blessed be God. " And after silence was made, amongst other instruc- " tions in the faith, St. Gregory said unto them, " who before had undervalued these venerable " relics, Know ye, brethren, that in consecrating " the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, " when for the sanctification of relics in honour of

ancient Church of Piedmont. 6l

" the Apostles or Martyrs, whose they were, drink- CHAP. " offerings were offered on the holy altar, their VIIL " blood, which was shed for the name of Jesus " Christ, always entered these pieces of cloth." This is that they call Brandeum, mentioned by Sigebert, upon the year 441, when he says, that St. Leo had brought it into request. True it is, that this fable is of a sort unknown to all antiquity; but, however, it proves thus much, that these apparitions of blood in the Host suppose no more than the virtue of the blood of Jesus Christ.

As to the homilies of the primitive Fathers, whereof Paulus Diaconus made a collection, it is very surprising to find not so much as one inserted amongst them, whence we can pick this doctrine of the real presence, if he with the Church of his time had conceived this to have been the doctrine of the primitive Church. We find indeed in this his col lection some homilies of St. Leo, Ferm 2,3, 4. and some others, which treat of the sacrament of the 57 Eucharist, which Jesus Christ substituted instead of the Passover: but we find this matter so drily handled in them, that it is hard to conceive how these expressions of antiquity could satisfy a man who had been tinged with the doctrine of Pas- chasius.

As for those other Romish doctrines, which at this day are made the leading points of religion, we may boldly say, that we can find nothing of them in this collection of homilies, amongst which there are many of St. Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, and Maximus, Bishop of Turin, whose belief we have already given a sufficient account of: the rest of this collection consists for the most part of the homilies of Origen, St. Jerome, St. Austin, St. Chrysostom, and venerable Bede, whose opinions are well known ; there being scarce any of these authors, whose belief has not been represented in particular, to make it appear how far they were from concurring with the

62 Remarks upon the

CHAP, opinions of the Church of Rome about the prin- vm- cipal doctrines, which at this day are the causes ~~of the separation of the Protestants from that Church.

CHAP. IX.

Opinions of the Church of Italy during the ninth century.

WE are now come to the ninth century, wherein, after this diocese had been subject to several princes it carne into the hands of Charles the Great and his successors. We have already seen how the Prelates of this diocese, at the Council of Francfort, opposed themselves to superstition, which then began to gather strength. But we shall perceive this more 58 clearly in the sequel of this discourse. It cannot be denied, but that the state of the Church in general was, as it were, wholly overthrown. Angilbertus, Bishop of Milan, gives us a most sad representation of it, in the relation which he gives to Ludovicus . Pius. " To our great sorrow," saith he, " we have in his Hist. " found, that scarce ought of holiness or sincerity is " left in the Church, and the corruptions are crept " into it ;" which afterwards he instanceth in par ticular: and I doubt not but Italy -had her share of the infection. Indeed superstition could not but in crease under the shelter of so profound a negligence of the pastors, as did then obtain : but the Divine providence was pleased to provide a remedy against it by means of Claudius, Bishop of Turin. And since Claudius had a great share in defending of the truth in this diocese of Italy, where God had placed him, and that by this means he has been extremely ex posed to the calumnies of the Romish party; it will be very well worth our pains, to represent here

ancient Church of Piedmont. 63

these three things, his character, his writings, and his CHAP. opinions. '

This Claudius was born in Spain; he had been a disciple of Fcelix, Bishop of Urgel ; he was for some years in the court of Ludovicus Pius amongst his Chaplains; and being endowed with great talents for a preacher, when Lewis was advanced to the empire, he caused him to be ordained Bishop of Turin. It will probably be imagined, that he had borrowed from Fcelix, Bishop of Urgel, the com panion of Elipandus, the opinions of Nestorianism : but whosoever thinks so, will find himself mistaken ; for his character of a great preacher, which had procured him the esteem of the Emperor, and his long continuance in Lewis's court, during the life of Charles the Great, a court where that opinion, since the condemnation of Fcelix and Elipandus, at Franc- fort, in 794, was very much had in detestation, are sufficient to purge him from any such suspicion. But over and atove all this, his writings upon the Scripture shew him to have been very far from that opinion ; for we find in several passages unquestion able evidences of his orthodox judgment in this point. What he saith upon the xxvth of St. Mat- 59 thew, ver. 31. is decisive in this matter; and yet he expresseth himself more strongly, if it be possible, on Matth. xxii. ver. 2. Neither is it less easy to purge him of another calumny, which was cast upon him after his death, by Jonas, Bishop of Orleans, who, in his preface to king Charles the Bald, ac- cuseth him for having endeavoured to revive the sect of Arius. I thought at first, that this was only a fault of the transcriber, who had writ Arius for Aerius ; but the manner of Jonas' s expressing him self has made me retract my first conjecture: how ever, it is no less easy to refute this calumny, than it was to clear him from the first suspicion. In a word, we do not find any thing like it in so many books writ by him, and we find that which is con-

64 Remarks upon the

CHAP, trary to it on Matt. xii. ver. 25. Let them make out IX> to us, that any such thing was found amongst his papers after his death, as Jonas seems to insinuate, and we shall believe that Jonas was not over apt to give credit to those men, whose only aim was to be spatter the reputation of Claudius, and to make it odious and detestable to posterity, because he cried down their superstition and idolatry. Except they perform this, we must still look upon this accusation as a mere calumny.

As for the works of this great man, we may af firm, there were few in his time who took so much pains to explain the Scripture, or to oppose them selves against the torrent of superstition.

He wrote three books upon Genesis in the year 815. He made a commentary on St. Matthew, which he published the same year, dedicating it to Justus, Abbot of Charroux.

He published a commentary upon the Epistle to the Galatians in the year 81 6, and dedicated it to Dructeramnus, a famous abbot, who had exhorted him to write comments upon all St. Paul's Epistles.

He wrote a commentary on the Epistle to the Ephesians, which he dedicated to Ludovicus Pius, who commanded him to comment upon St. Paul's Epistles ; which dedicatory epistle of his has been published by Mabillon.

60 He made a commentary upon Exodus, in four books, which he published in the year 821, dedi cating them to the Abbot Theodemirus.

He made also another on Leviticus, which he pub lished in the year 823, and dedicated it to the same Abbot. Oudin tells us, he hath seen a commentary of his on the Book of Ruth, in a library in Hainault.

Of all these his works, there is nothing printed but his commentary upon the Epistle to the Ga latians. The monks of St. Germain have his com mentary upon all the Epistles in MS. in two vo lumes, which were found in the library of the abbey

ancient Church of Piedmont. 65

of Fleury, near Orleans. They have also his MS. CHAP. commentaries on Leviticus, which formerly belonged ' to the library of St. Remy at Rheims. As for his commentary on St. Matthew, there are several MS. copies of it in England, as well as elsewhere.

We may judge in what credit and esteem the doc trine of Claudius was at that time, by the earnest ness wherewith the Emperor Ludovicus Pius, and the most famous Abbots of those times, pressed him to explain the holy Scripture in his writings. We may also conclude the same, from his being pro moted to the episcopal dignity in a place where the superstition in reference to images obliged the Em peror to provide them with a Bishop that was both learned and vigorous ; for Jonas of Orleans cannot dissemble, but that it was upon this very consider ation, that the Emperor made a particular choice of Claudius to be consecrated Bishop of Turin. More over, this see was not an ordinary bishopric, but a very considerable metropolis in the diocese of Italy; but it was not till some time after, that the title of Archbishops was bestowed upon Metropolitans.

The time wherein he was advanced to the epi scopal dignity is not certainly known. Father Le Cointe conjectures, very probably, that it was in the year 817. But whether that be so or no, sure it is, that Claudius, in his illustration of the Scripture, plainly shewed himself to be very free from those errors which at this day are in vogue in Romish communion.

We need only read his commentary upon theo'l Epistle to the Galatians, to assure us, that he every where asserts the equality of all the Apostles with St. Peter, though the occasions seemed naturally to engage him to establish the primacy of St. Peter, and that of his pretended successors. This we find in ten several passages of that commentary; he onlyB.P edit< declares the primacy of St. Peter to consist in theparis-t-1-

J p. 789, 800,

801, 803, 805, 806, 807, 809, H10, 814.

F

66 Remarks upon the

CHAP, honour he had of founding the Church both amongst 1X> the Jews and Gentiles, p. 810. And indeed every

where throughout his writings he maintains, that Jesus Christ is the only Head of the Church.

He overthrows the doctrine of merits in such a manner as overthrows all the nice distinctions of the Papists on that subject.

He pronounces anathemas against traditions in matter of religion : so far was he from giving occa sion to others to suspect, that he made them a part of the object of his faith, as the Church of Rome at present doth.

B.P.edit. He maintains, that faith alone saves us, which is

Pa8iV L ^e Pomt ^at so extremely provoked the Church of Rome against Luther, who asserted the same thing.

ib. p. 829. He holds the Church to be subject to error, op posite to what at this day the Romanists pretend in so unreasonable a manner.

ib. p. 844. He denies, that prayers after death may be of any use to those that have demanded them.

Ib. p. 842. He very smartly lashed the superstition and idol atry, which then began to be renewed, being sup ported by the authority of the Roman see.

These things we find in his commentary upon the Epistle to the Galatians ; but the other writings of this great man, manuscript and printed, shew us yet more of his mind. Indeed, we find him giving very public marks of his zeal for the purity of religion in several points. First, he proposeth the doctrine of the Church, in reference to the Eucharist, in a man ner altogether conformable to the judgment of an tiquity, following therein the most illustrious doctors of the Christian Church, and shewing that he was, as to that matter, at the farthest distance from the 62 opinions which Paschasius Radbertus advanced eighteen or nineteen years after that Claudius had writ his commentary upon St. Matthew. Claudius's

L.3. c. 14. own words, as they were taken from a MS. of M. Theyer, are these :

ancient Church of Piedmont. 67

Ccenantibus autem eis, accepit Jesus panem, et CHAP. benedixit ac fregit, deditque discipulis suis, et ait. JX' Accipite et comedite, hoc est corpus meum. Finitis paschcK veteris solenniis, qu& in commemorationem antique de JEgypto liberationis populi Dei age- bantur, transiit ad novum, quod in su& redemptionis memoriam Ecclesiamfrequentare volebat: ut vide licet etpro came agni ac sanguine sui corporis san- guinisque sacr amentum substitueret, ipsumque se esse monstraret, cuijuravit Dominus, et non pceni- tebit eum, Tu es sacerdos in sternum secundum ordi- nem Melchisedec. Frangit autem ipse panem quern discipulis porrigit, ut ostendat corporis suifractio- nem non absque sua sponte ac procurattone ven- turam; sed sicut alibi dicit,potestatem se habere po- nendi animam mam, et potestatem se habei-e iterum sumendi earn. Quern videlicet panem certi quoque gratia sacramenti, priusquam frangeret benedixit. Quia naturam humanam quam passurus assumpsit, ipse una cum Patre et Splritu Sancto gratia divina virtutis implevit. Benedixit panem, et fregit, quia hominem assumptum ita morti subdere dignatus est, ut et divine immortalitatis veraciter inesse potentiam demonstraret. Ideoque velocius eum a morle resuscitandum esse doceret. Et accipiens ca- llcem, gralias egit, et dedit illis, dicens, Bibite ex hoc omnes. Cum appropinquare passioni dicitur, accepto pane et calice, gratiam egisse perhibetur; gratias itaque egit qui Jlagella aliens iniquitafis suscepit. Et qui nihil dignum percussioni exhibuit, humiliter in percussione benedixit. Ut him videlicet ostendat, quid unusquisque injlagello culp& propria facer e debeat: si ipse (Equanimiter ftagella culpcE portat aliencB; ut hinc ostendat, quid in correptione faciat subditus, si in Jlagello positus Patri gratias agit aqualis. Hie est enim sanguis meus novi tes- tamenti, qui pro multis ejfundetur in remissionem peccatorum. Quia panis corpus confirmat, vinum vero sanguinem operatur in carne; hie ad corpus

F 2

68 Remarks upon the

CHAP. Christi my slice, illud refertur ad sanguinem. ferum ' quia et nos in Christo, et in nob is Christum manere oportet, vinum Dominici calicis aqua miscetur. At test ante enim Johanne, aqua populi sunt. Et neque aquam solam, neque solum vinum, sicut nee gra- num frumenti solum sine admixtione aqua et con- fectione, in panem cuiquam licet ojferre, ne videlicet oblatio talis quasi caput a membro secernendum 63 esse significet, et vel Christum sine nostrte redemp- tionis amore pati potuisse, vel nos sine illius passione salvari ac Patri offerri posse confingat. Quod au- tem dicit, Hie est sanguis meus novi testamenti, ad distinctionem respicit veteris testamenti, quod hir- corum et vitulorum est sanguine dedicatum ; dicente inter aspergendum legislator e^ Hie est sanguis tes- tamenti, quod mandavit ad vos Deus. Necesse est enim exemplaria quidem verorum his mundari; ipsa autem ccelestia melioribus host Us quam istis,juxta quod Apostolus per totam ad Hebr&os Epistolam, inter Legem distinguens et Evangelium,pulcherrima expositione ac plenaria ratione declarat. Dico au tem vobis, JVon bib am amodo de hoc genimine vitis usque in diem ilium cum illud bibam vobiscum novum in regno Patris mei. Vitem sive vineam Domini appellatam esse synagogam, et omnis sparsim Scrip- tura et apertius testatur Isaias in cantico de illo cantato, f^inea, inquiens, Domini Sabaoth, domus Israel est. De qua nimirum vinea Dominus multo tempore bibebat, quamvis pluribus ramis in amari- tudinem vitis alienee conversis, quod tamen etsi mul- tis in ilia plebe exorbitant! bus a recto Jidei itinere, non defuere plurimi toto Legis tempore, quorum piis cogitationibus summisque virtutibus delectaretur Deus. f^erum passo in carne Domino, ac resurgente a mortuisy tempus fuit ut legalis ilia et Jiguralis observatio cessaret, atque ea qua secundum litera?n gerebantur, in spiritalem translata semum, melius in novum testamentum,juvante Sancti Spiritus gratia, tenerentur. Iturus igitur adpassionem Dominus ait,

ancient Church of Piedmont. 69

Jam non bibam de hoc genimine vitis usque in diem CHAP.

ilium cum illud bibam vobiscum novum in regno '__

Patris mei. Ac si aperte dicat, Non ultra carnali- bus synagogue ceremoniis delectabor, in quibus etiam ista paschalis agni sacra locum tenuere pr&cipuum: aderit enim temp us me& resurrectionis : aderit dies ille cum ipse in regno Dei positus, id est, gloria vitce immortalis sublimatus, de salute populi ejusdem fonte gratia spirit alis regenerate novo vobiscum gaudio perfundar. Item quod ait., Non bibam amo- do de hoc genimine vitis usque in diem ilium cum illud bibam vobiscum novum in regno Patris mei, vult intelUgi hoc vetus esse, cum illud novum dicit ; quia ergo de prdpagine Adam, qui vetus homo ap- pellatur, corpus susceperat, quod in passione morti traditurus erat: unde etiam per vini sacramentum commendat sanguinem suum, quid aliud novum vinum nisi immortalitatem renovatorum corporum intelligere debemus? Quod cum dicit, Vobiscum 64 bibam, etiam ipsis resurrectionem corporum ad indu- endam immortalitatem promittit. Vobiscum enim non ad idem tempus, sed ad eandem innovationem dictum, accipiendum est. Nam et nos dicit Aposto- lus resurrexisse cum Chris to, ut spe rei future jam l&titiam pr&sentem offer at: quod autem de hoc ge nimine vitis etiam illud novum esse dicit, significat utique eadem corpora resurrectura secundum inno vationem coelestem, qua nunc secundum vetustatem moritura sunt. Si hanc vitem de cujus vetustate nunc passionis calicem bibit, ipsos Judaos intellex- eris, significatum est etiam ipsam gentem ad corpus Christiper novitatem vita accessuram; cum ingres- sa plenitudine gentium, omnis Israel salvusjiet. Et hymno dicto exierunt in montem Oliveti; hoc est quod inPsalmo legimus, Edent pauper es,et saturabuntur; et laudabunt Dominum qui requirunt eum: Potest autem et hymnus etiam ille intelligi quern Dominus secundum Johannem Patri gr atlas agens decant- abat, in quo et pro seipso, et pro disci pulis, et pro

F3

70 Remarks upon the

CHAP, eis qui per verbum eorwn credituri want, elevatis IXt oculis sursum precabatur. Et pulchre discipulos sacramentis sui corporis ac sanguinis irnbutos, et hymno pice intercessions Patri commendatos, in montcm educit Olivarum, ut typice designet nos per acceptionem sacramentorum suorum, perque opem su<g inter cess ionis, ad altiora virtutum, ut carismate Sancti Spiritus in corde perungamur, conscendere debere.

" The Apostles being sate down at table, Jesus " Christ took bread, blessed and, brake it, and gave " of it to his disciples, saying to them, Take this " and eat it, this is my body. The ancient cere- " monies of the ancient Passover, which were used " in .memory of the deliverance of the people of Is- " rael, being finished, he passeth on to the new, be- " cause he would have the same to be celebrated in " his Church in commemoration of the mystery of " her redemption, and to substitute the Sacrament " of his body and of his blood, instead of the flesh " and blood of the paschal lamb, and to shew that " it was he himself to whom God had sworn, and " shall never repent of it ; Thou art the eternal " Priest according to the order of Melchizedeck. " Moreover, he himself breaks the bread which he " gives to his disciples, that he might represent and " make it appear, that the breaking of his body 65 " would not be contrary to his inclination, or with- " out his willingness to die : but, as he saith else- " where, that he had power to give his life, and to " deliver it up himself, as well as to take it again, " and raise himself from the dead. He blessed the " bread before he brake it, to assure us, that he in- " tended to make a Sacrament of it; and forasmuch " as he had taken human nature upon him, that " he might suffer, he with his Father and the Holy " Spirit rilled the same with the grace of a virtue " which was altogether divine ; and because he was " pleased to submit the human nature he had

ancient Church of Piedmont. 71

" taken upon him, to death, he would make it ap- CHAP. " pear, that the said humanity was possessed of a true ' " and natural power to raise itself: whereby he " taught us, that the same would rise more readily " from the dead. And taking the cup, he gave " thanks to his Father, and gave it them to drink, " saying, Drink ye all of it. When he drew near to " the time of his death and passion, it is said, that " having taken the bread and the cup, he gave " thanks to his eternal Father. He therefore who " had taken upon him to expiate the iniquities of " others, gave thanks to his Father, without having " done any thing that was worthy of death : he " blesseth it with a profound humility, at the very " time that he saw himself loaden with stripes ; " without doubt to instruct us, what every one of " us ought to do when we find ourselves lashed " with the whip and sting of our conscience : for, if " he who was innocent endured with meekness " and tranquillity the stripes due to the iniquity of " others ; this was to teach and instruct us what he " ought to do that is obnoxious, when he is cor- " rected for his own transgressions. If he suffered " with an equal mind the scourge due for the sins <f of others, this teaches us what a subject ought to " do when under the Divine corrections ; when he " who is equal to the Father gave thanks to him " when under his scourges : For this is my blood of " the new testament, which shall be shed for you " all, for the remission of sin; because he assures " us, that the bread becomes his body, and that the " wine doth operate and produce his blood in the " flesh. The bread represents to us his mystical " body, and the wine is the symbol of his blood. 66 " But, because we must abide in Christ, and Christ " must abide in us, we mingle water with the wine " in the cup of the Lord. And, as St. John wit- " nesseth, the people are water, and it is not per- " mitted to any body to offer water alone, no more

F 4

72 Remarks upon the

CHAP. " than the wine alone; in like manner as it is for- IXt " bidden to offer the grains of wheat, without their " being mingled with water, and so reduced to " bread, for fear lest such an oblation might signify, " that the Head ought to be separated from its " members, and that Jesus Christ could have suf- " fered, without an extreme love and desire of our " redemption ; or that this oblation did not give us " ground to believe, that we might be saved, or of- " fered up to his Father without the mystery of his " passion. As for his saying, This is my blood of " the new testament, it is that we might make a " distinction between the new covenant and the " old, which was consecrated with the effusion of (c the blood of goats and oxen, as the Lawgiver " said at the sprinkling of it ; This is the blood of' " the covenant which God has commanded you : ce for it is necessary that the patterns of true things " should be purified by these; but that the heavenly f( places should be purified with more excellent sa- (( crifices, according to what the Apostle St. Paul " declares throughout his whole Epistle to the He- " brews, where he makes a distinction between the " Law and the Gospel. He declares, by an excellent " and ample explication, f^erily, verily, this I say " unto you, I will drink no more of the vine, till I " shall drink it new in the kingdom of my Father. " The whole Scripture openly declares, that the syn- " agogue is called the Vine of the Lord ; the Pro- " phet Isaiah openly sets this forth in his song, " where he speaks of it in these words ; The house " of Israel is the Lord's Vine. It is indeed of this " vine that the Lord drank large draughts, though " many branches thereof were infected with the " bitterness of a strange Vine ; and though in the " mean time many of the people are gone astray " from the true way of the faith, yet there were still ^ found a great many, during the whole time of the " Law, who glorified God by their holy and godly

ancient Church of Piedmont. ?3

" thoughts, and by the practice of their heroical CHAP.

" virtues. But Jesus Christ having suffered in the ___1L_

" flesh that was capable of suffering, and being

" raised from the dead, the time is come that hath

" put an end to these legal and figurative observa-

" tions: all those things that were observed accord-

" ing to the letter, have been changed into a spi-

" ritual sense, and have been confirmed in the new

" testament by the grace of the Holy Ghost. Jesus

" Christ then going to suffer, saith, I shall drink no

" more of this juice of the vine, until the day that I

" shall drink it new with you in the kingdom of my

" Father. As if he had plainly said, I will no longer

" take delight in the carnal ceremonies of the syn-

" agogue, amongst the number of which the great

" festival of the paschal lamb was one of the chief-

" est ; for this shall be the time of my resurrection ;

" that very day I shall be lifted up to the kingdom

" of heaven, that is to say, to the kingdom of a new

" life of immortality; I shall be filled together with

" you with a new joy for the salvation of my

" people, which shall be born again in the spring of

" one and the same grace. In like manner also

" when he saith, I shall not drink of this juice of

" the vine, until the day that I shall drink it

" new with you in the kingdom of my Father, he

" would be understood of the old testament, when

" he calls it the new: and therefore since he had

" taken a body from the family of Adam, who is

" called the old man, and that this his body was now

" to be exposed to death ; it is for this reason that

" by the sacrament of wine he recommends to us his

" blood. What are we to understand by this new

" wine, but the immortality of our renewed bodies?

" For when he saith, I will drink it with you, he

" promiseth to them also the resurrection of their

" bodies, in order to their being clothed with im-

" mortality. For this word vobiscujn (with you)

" must not be taken as spoken of the same time,

74 Remarks upon the

CHAP. " but as importing that the disciples should in time IX' " to come be renewed, as well as he. For doth not " the Apostle say, that we are all raised again with " Christ, that our future resurrection might afford " us present joy? And whereas he saith, of' this juice " of the vine, and calls it also new, this for certain 68 " signifies, that the same bodies must be raised " again, according to the rules of an altogether hea- " venly renovation, though at present they must die, " according to the old man. If you understand the " Jews by this vine, from the oldness of which " he at present now drinks the cup of his passion ; " it hath also been signified to us, that that nation " must approach to the body of Jesus Christ by the " change of a new life: The whole house of Israel " shall be saved, together with all its company, " which shall enter with them. After they had sung " an hymn, they went to the mount of Olives. This " is that which we read in the Psalmist, The poor " shall eat and be Jilled; and they that seek the " Lord shall praise him. This hymn may be also " understood, according to the account St. John " gives of it, to be that which Jesus Christ sang, " when he gave thanks to his eternal Father, " wherein he prayed for himself, for his disciples, " and for all those who should believe at their " preaching. And it is not without cause that he " leads his disciples to the mount of Olives, after " having fed them with the sacraments of his body " and his blood, and after his having recommended " them to his Father by the hymn of a tender in- " tercession ; to inform us, without doubt, that it is " by receiving of the sacraments, and by the assist- " ance of his prayer, that we must come to the pos- " session of heroicai virtues, and that it is by this " means alone, that we shall receive in our hearts " the unctions of the Holy Spirit."

We find by this extract, that he followed the no tions of the primitive Church closely on this sub-

ancient Church of Piedmont. 75

ject, and that the Church which bordered upon the CHAP. mountains of the Alps did not entertain any opin- ' ions like those of Paschasius. We ought to ohserve here, as a thing natural and obvious,, that if he en dured some contradiction upon other articles, yet he never was impleaded about that of the Eucharist ; which shews that that truth, at that time, was yet in possession of its own rights, and that those who quarreled with him about other articles, as Jonas, Bishop of Orleans, Dungalus, and the Abbot Theo- demirus, were of his opinion about the matter of the Eucharist. For seeing his commentary upon St. 69 Matthew was published in the year 8 15, and that Theodemirus continued still his friend in 823, press ing him to write on the Old Testament, it is evident, that till then nothing had interrupted the good cor respondence that was between them.

Mabillon has published an extract from the end of his work upon Leviticus, dedicated to Abbot Theodemirus, which shews the great care that he took to withdraw those of his diocese from the han kering they had after the worship of creatures^ and the troubles and crosses he had met with from those who were willing to defend their superstitions.

" Because you have commanded me to write Anaiect. t. " these things, I have undertaken it, not as for your^';^'37 " instruction, but for your satisfaction. But it is " your duty to judge of it with more truth, and to " stir up yourself by your examples, to the practice " of a true charity, which is the most excellent of " all virtues. And I assure myself, that I may more " easily attain to the possession of that virtue by (( means of your prayers than by any strength of my " own. See here, my dear brother, what I have here " answered, as well as I could, to certain demands " you have made of me. And I earnestly desire " you on this occasion, that if you have discovered, " or can find for time to come, any thing better, " concerning the things about which you command

76 Remarks upon the

CHAP. " me to write unto you, we shall take it very kindly,

IX* " if you shall be pleased to communicate the same

" to us ; for I am naturally more inclined to learn, " than to teach others. For this beauty of the eter- " nal Truth and Wisdom (God grant I may always *' have a constant will to enjoy her, for the love of <c whom we have also undertaken this work) doth *' not exclude those that come unto her, because of " the great number of hearers she hath ; she grows " not old by length of time ; she minds not places ; " she does not suffer herself to be overtaken by " night ; she does not shut up herself in shadows, " and doth not expose herself to our bodily senses : " she is near unto all those that turn themselves to " her from all parts of the world, and who love her 70" indeed ; she is eternal to all; she is not limited by " any places, she is every where ; she advertiseth " abroad, she instructs within, she changes and con- " verts those that behold her; she doth not suffer " herself to be violated by any person ; no man can "judge of her, nobody can judge well without " her. In this idea of my faith, I separate all change " and alteration from eternity; and in this eternity " I discover no space of time, for the spaces of time " are made up of future and past motions of things: " now there is nothing past or future in eternity; " for that which passeth ceaseth to be, and that " which is to come has not yet begun to be : but as " for eternity, it is that which is always present, nor " ever has been, so as not to be present still ; nor " ever shall be, but so as still to continue present ; " because it is she alone that can say to the spirit of " man, It is I who am the Lord ; and it is of her " alone we can say with truth, He who is eternal " has sent me.

" And since this is the case, we are not com- " manded to go to the creature, that we may " be happy, but to the Creator, who alone can " constitute our bliss ; of whom if we entertain

ancient Church of Piedmont. 77

" other opinions than we ought to have, we in- CHAP*

" volve ourselves in a very pernicious error. For as IX<

" long as we shall endeavour to come to that which

" is not, or which, supposing it to be, yet doth not

ce make us happy, we shall never be able to arrive

" at a happy life. A man doth riot become happy

" because another is so ; but when a man imitates an-

" other, that he may become such as he is, he desires

" immediately to become happy by the same means

" he finds another is become so, that is, by the enjoy-

" ment of this universal and unchangeable Truth.

" Neither can a man become prudent by the pru-

" dence of another, or valiant by the valour, or

" temperate by the temperance, or just by the jus-

" tice of another; but by forming and fashioning his

" mind by the immutable rules and splendors of

" those virtues, which without alteration shine forth

" in this common universal truth and wisdom : in

" imitation of whom he formed and squared his

" manners, whom we propose to ourselves as a pat- 7*

" tern to imitate, and whom we look upon as a

" living copy of that eternal Wisdom. Our will

" fastening itself, and cleaving to this unchangeable

" and common good, affords the first and great good

" things man is capable of, because she is a certain

66 mean good. But when the will of man separates

" itself from this unchangeable and common good,

" and seeks her own particular good, or directs her-

" self to any outward or inferior good, she sins."

After this he quotes an excellent passage of St. Austin, from his treatise concerning the True Re ligion. "Wherefore we owe no religious worship to s. August. " those who are departed this life, because they " have lived religiously; we must not look upon " them as persons that require our adorations and " homage, but they desire that he may be worthy " of our respect, by whom they being enlightened " rejoice to see us made partakers of their piety. " We must therefore honour them, because they de-

78 Remarks upon the

CHAP. " serve to be imitated; but we must not worship IX' " them with an act of religion. And if they have

" lived wickedly, we do not owe them any respect " at all, in what part soever of the world they " be. That then which is honoured by the high- " est angel must also be honoured by the lowest " of men, because the nature of man is become " the lowest, for not having honoured him. For " an angel takes not his wisdom elsewhere than " man does. . The truth of an angel and that of " man are both derived from the same fountain, " that is, from one and the same eternal Truth and " Wisdom. For by a pure effect of that eternal " Wisdom it comes to pass, that the power of God, " and that unchangeable Wisdom consubstantial and " coeternal with the Father, hath vouchsafed, in or- " der to the accomplishment of the adorable mys- " tery of our salvation, to take our human nature " upon him, that he might teach us, that we owe our " adorations to him who alone deserves to be wor- " shipped by all intelligent and rational creatures. " We ought also to believe, that those good angels, " which are the most excellent ministers of God, " would have us to worship one only God together " with them, by the alone vision of whom they are rt happy. For we are not happy in beholding the " angels, neither can that vision ever make us so; " but we shall be happy by beholding the Truth, " by means of which we love the angels, and con- " gratulate them. Neither do we envy their huppi- " ness, because they are more active than we, and " because they enjoy the vision of God, without " being molested with any trouble ; but rather love " them so much the more, because our hope puts " us upon expecting something answerable to these " their excellencies, from him who is the God of " us both. Wherefore we honour them with our " charitable respects, but not like slaves : we build " no temples to them, neither will they be honoured

ancient Church of Piedmont. 79

" by us in any such manner, because they know that CHAP. " we, whilst we are good, are the temples of the Ix> " living God." After his quoting of this passage, see how he concludes his work.

" These things are the highest and strongest mys- " teries of our faith, and characters most deeply im- " printed in our hearts. In standing up for the con- " firmation and defence of which truth, I am be- " come a reproach to my neighbours to that degree, " that those who see us do not only scoff at us, " but point at us, one to another: but God, the " father of mercies and author of all consolations, " has comforted us in all our afflictions, that we " might be able, in like manner, to comfort those " that are pressed with sorrow and affliction : we " rely upon the protection of Him who has armed " and fortified us with the armour of righteousness " and of faith, which is the tried shield for our " eternal salvation."

He seems in these words to allude to the com plaints that had been made against him, at Ludovi- cus Pius's court, for having broke down images throughout his diocese, and for writing, in defence of himself, a treatise against the adoration of images, the worship of saints, pilgrimages, the worship of relics, with other such like superstitions. And since the cruel diligence of the Inquisitors has destroyed this piece, we must guess at the time wherein he wrote it, from the account his adversaries give us 73 thereof, viz. Theodemirus, Dungalus, and Jonas of Orleans, and search in their books for his true opin ions, and the arguments he made use of against the defenders of superstition.

Dungalus wrote in the year 828, as appears clearly from what he mentions of the decree passed in Lu- dovicus Pius's palace, after the assembly of Paris in the year 825, about the matter of images, as a thing which happened two years before. In his book he accuseth Claudius for taking upon him, after eight

80 Remarks upon the

CHAP, hundred and twenty years and more, to reprove IX' those things that were passed in continual use, as if there had been none before him that ever had any zeal for religion ; from whence it is evident, that Claudius wrote since the year 820. It seems indeed as if he had answered the Abbot Theodemirus after the year 823, who had intimated to him the offence that was taken at his behaviour and opinions, which he did so effectually as not to have any need to write another treatise upon the same subject.

However it is Dungalus himself who has preserved the extracts of the apologetical answer, which Clau dius made about that time, to the Abbot Theode mirus ; which apologetic he begins in this manner: " I have received," saith he to Theodemirus, " by " a particular bearer thy letter, with the articles, " wholly stuffed with babbling and fooleries. You " declare in these articles, that you have been trou- " bled that my fame was spread, not only throughout " all Italy, but also in Spain, and elsewhere; as if I " had formerly, and still do preach a new sect, " contrary to the rules of the ancient Catholic faith, " which is most absolutely false: neither is it any " wonder at all, if the members of Satan talk of me at " this rate, who have also called our Head a deceiver, " one that hath a devil, &c. For I teach no new " sect, as keeping myself to the pure truth, preach- " ing and publishing nothing but that; but on the " contrary, as far as in me lies, I have repressed, op- " posed, cast down, and destroyed, and do still re- " press, oppose, and destroy, to the utmost of my 74 " power, all sects, schisms, superstitions, and here- " sies ; and shall never cease so to do, by the assist- " ance of God, as far as I am able : for since it is " expressly said, Thou shalt not make to thyself " the resemblance of any thing, either in heaven or " on earth, &c. this is not alone to be understood of " the images and resemblances of strange gods, but " also of those of celestial creatures.

ancient Church of Piedmont. 81

" These kind of people, against whom we have CHAP. " undertaken to defend the Church of God, tell us, IX" '( If thou write upon the wall, or drawest the 'e images of Peter or of Paul, of Jupiter, Saturn, or " of Mercury; neither are the one of these gods, 16 nor the other apostles, and neither the one nor the " other of them are men, and therefore the name is " changed : and in the mean time, both then and . " now, the same ever continues still. Surely, if we " ought to worship them, we ought rather to wor- " ship them alive, than as thou hast represented " them, as the portraitures of beasts, or (what is yet 'c more true) of stone or wood, which have neither '' life, nor feeling, nor reason : for if we may neither " worship nor serve the works of God's hand, how 'c much less may we worship the works of men's " hands, and adore them in honour of those whose " resemblances we say they are? for if the image " you worship is not God, (for not only he who " serves and honours visible images, but also what- " soever creature else, whether heavenly or earthly, " whether spiritual or corporal, he serves the same " instead of God, and from it he looks for the sal- '' vation of his soul, which he ought to look for " from God alone, and is of the number of those, of '' whom the Apostle saith, that they worshipped and " served the creature more than the Creator,) where- " fore dost thou bow to false images, and wherefore " like a slave dost thou bend thy body to pitiful " shrines, and to the work of men's hands ?

" But mark what the followers of the false religion " and superstition do allege : they say, it is in cotn- u memoration and in honour of our Saviour, that we " serve, honour, and adore the cross, whom nothing " pleaseth in our Saviour, but that which was pleas- 16 ing to the ungodly, viz. the reproach of his passion, 75 " and the token of his death. They witness hereby, " that they perceive only of him what the wicked " saw and perceived of him, whether Jews or Hea-

G

82 Remarks upon the

CHAP. " thens, who do not see his resurrection, and do not

IX> " consider him, but as altogether swallowed up of

" death, without minding what the Apostle saith,

" We know Jesus Christ no longer according to the

« flesh.

" God commands one thing, and these people do " quite the contrary; God commands us to bear our " cross, and not to worship it ; but these are all for " worshipping it; whereas they do not bear it at all, " neither will they bear it either corporally or spiri- " tually: to serve God after this manner is to go a " whoring from him. For if we ought to adore the " cross, because Christ was fastened to it, how many " other things are there which touched Jesus Christ, " and which he made according to the flesh ? Did " not he continue nine months in the womb of the « Virgin ? Why do not they then on the same score " worship all that are virgins, because a virgin " brought forth Jesus Christ? Why do not they " adore mangers and old clouts, because he was laid " in a manger, and wrapped in swaddling clothes ? u Why do not they adore fisher-boats, because he " slept in one of them, and preached to the multi- " tildes, and caused a net to be cast out, wherewith " was caught a miraculous quantity of fish? Let " them adore asses, because he entered into Jeru- " salem upon the foal of an ass ; and lambs, because " it is written of him, Behold the Lamb of God, that " taketh away the sins of the world. But these sort " of men would rather eat live lambs than worship a their images. Why do not they worship lions, be- " cause he is called the Lion of the tribe of Judah ? " or rocks, because it is said, And the Rock was " Christ? or thorns, because he was crowned with " them ? or lances, because one of them pierced his "side?

" All these things are ridiculous, rather to be la- " mented than set forth in writing: but we are " forced to set them down, in opposition to fools,

ancient Church of Piedmont. 83

" and to declaim against those hearts of stone, whom CHAP.

" the arrows and sentences of the word of God can- IX>

" not pierce ; and therefore we are fain to fling such 76

" stones at them. Come to yourselves again, ye

" miserable transgressors; why are you gone astray

" from truth, and why, being become vain, are ye

" fallen in love with vanity? Why do you crucify

" again the Son of God, and expose him to open

" shame ; and by this means make souls by troops

" to become the companions of devils, estranging

" them from their Creator by the horrible sacrilege

" of your images and likenesses, and precipitating

" them into everlasting damnation ?

" And as for your reproaching me, that I hinder " men from running in pilgrimage to Rome ; I will " first demand of you yourself, whether thou know- " est, that to go to Rome is to repent or do penance ? " If it be so indeed, why then hast thou for so long " a time damned so many souls, whom thou hast " kept up in thy monastery, and whom thou hast " taken into it, that they might there do penance, " obliging them to serve thee, instead of sending " them to Rome, if it be so that the way to do pe- " nance be to go to Rome, and yet thou hast hin- " dered them ? What have you to say against this " sentence, That whosoever shall lay a stone of " stumbling before any of these little ones, it were " better for him that a millstone were hung about " his neck, and he cast into the bottom of the sear

" We know very well, that this passage of the " Gospel is very ill understood ; Thou art Peter ', and " upon this rock will I build my Church; and I will " give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven: " under the pretence of which words the stupid and " ignorant common people, destitute of all spiritual " knowledge, betake themselves to Rome, in hopes " of acquiring eternal life : for the ministry does be- " long to all the true superintendants and pastors of " the Church, who discharge the same, as long as

G 2

84 Remarks upon the

CHAP. " they are in this world; and when they have paid IX* " the debt of death, others succeed in their places,

" who enjoy the same authority and power. 77 " Return, O ye blind, to your light ; return to him " who enlightens every man that cometh into the " world : all of you, as many as you be, who do not " keep only to this light, you walk in darkness, and " know not whither you go ; for the darkness has put " out your eyes. If we must believe God when he " promiseth, how much more when he swears, and " saith, that if Noah, Daniel, and Job were in it, " (that is, if the saints whom you call upon were " endowed with as great holiness, as great righteous- " ness, and as much merit, as these were,) they shall " neither deliver son nor daughter: and it is for this " end he makes this declaration, viz. that none " might put their confidence either in the merits or " the intercession of saints. Understand ye this, ye "people without understanding? Ye fools, when " will ye be wise ? ye who run to Rome, to seek " there for the intercession of an Apostle. What " think you would St. Augustin say of you, whom " we have already so often quoted," &c.

" The fifth thing you reproach me for is, that it " displeaseth thee that the Apostolic Lord (for so you " are pleased to call the late Pope Paschal deceased^ " had honoured me with this charge ; but forasmucl " as the word Apostolicus dicitur quasi Apostoti " Gustos, may intimate as much as the Apostle's " keeper, know thou, that he only is apostolic, who " is the keeper and guardian of the Apostle's doc- " trine, and not he who boasts himself to be seated " in the chair of the Apostle, and in the mean time " doth not acquit himself of the charge of the Apo- " stle ; for the Lord saith, that the Scribes and Pha- " sees sat in Moses's chair."

Now, because Jonas of Orleans had no other ex tracts out of the book of Claudius, besides those that had been already refuted by Dungalus, a recluse of

ancient Church of Piedmont. 85

the abbey of St. Denys, therefore he confines him- CHAP. self to refute the same opinions of Claudius, which IX> he did only in the year 84O, about a year after Claudius's death ; whereupon I desire the reader to consider, first, that notwithstanding Dungalus and Jonas did both write by the order of kings, and that they make mention of a condemnation of Claudius passed in the palace, yet nothing of all this was 78 able to shake the reputation of Claudius. He wrote against all these superstitions from the year 823, and did not die till the year 839; so that for sixteen years together he was only set upon by some par ticular persons, by an obscure and recluse Monk, who was a stranger to France, and who probably being an Italian took part with the Church of Rome, at that time engaged for the worshippers of idols.

Secondly, That the Fathers of the Assembly of Paris, in the year 825, had justified most of the principles maintained by Claudius, this great man having been only engaged to carry the matter far ther than they; for being nearer to the diocese of Rome, he saw the danger so much the nearer, in which his flock were, of falling into idolatry.

Thirdly, That to go to the bottom of the matter, Agobardus, Archbishop of Lyons, pushed that point as far as Claudius himself; as appears from his trea tise against pictures. It is a pleasure to see how Fa* ther Raynaud torments himself to justify Agobardus, whom the Church of Lyons honours as a saint, though he has made use of the same arguments that Claudius did, and given large testimonies of his being as vigorous an iconoclast as ever Claudius was. We may therefore assert, without rashness, that either all the fetches of Baronius and of F. Raynaud are not sufficient to keep Agobardus in the martyrology of Lyons ; or, that they serve very profitably, at the same time, to enrol Claudius in that of the Church at Turin, as a most holy and most illustrious Bishop, because of his doctrine, his ardent piety, and the

G 3

86 Remarks upon the

CHAP, great care he took to oppose the spirit of super- ' stition, which reigned so much at that time.

Fourthly, After all, we may say, that neither Dungalus nor Jonas of Orleans maintained the opinion of the Church of Rome that was then: Jonas makes mention of the Pope's party, as a party not wholly cut off from the communion of the Church ; but his expressions are so sharp, that it appears he had little better opinion of them. They condemn all manner of worship of images, and stick close to the decisions of Francfort, in the year 794, 79 and of Paris, 826, which were diametrically opposite to the definitions of the iconolatra, or worshippers of images, and to the pretensions of the Bishop of Rome, who had admitted of them.

It was worth our while to take notice of these opinions of Claudius, and of the manner of his re forming his diocese, that we might make it appear, that he laid solid principles of the Reformation in those parts, as to several points. And this was the more necessary, because the Papists, as Genebrard, in his Chronology, and Rorenco, have owned, that the valleys of Piedmont, which did belong to the bishopric of Turin, preserved the opinions of Clau dius in the ninth and tenth century.

We ought to observe two things, which very well deserve an exact reflection ; the first is, that Angil- bertus, Bishop of Milan, is constantly represented to us by Ripamontius, by Ughellus, and those who have wrote the history of that diocese, as one who began to separate himself from the Pope by a kind of schism, which they highly lament, as bordering upon rebellion, which they own to have lasted above two hundred years. But the case is not so as they are pleased to represent it to us : the truth is, that that Prelate preserved his liberty against all the Pope's endeavours, wherein he was imitated by his successors, who seem to have had no more value than he had for the Decretals of the ancient Popes,

ancient Church of Piedmont. SJ

which were foisted in by the care and emissaries of CHAP. the Roman see, in order to submit the rights and__l__ privileges of other Churches to her.

The second is, that though the emulation which was between the Bishops of Milan and Aquileia was an occasion of great contests between them, yet we find, that the diocese of Aquileia was no more united with that of the Pope, during the time of the con troversy concerning the Procession, ex utroque [from both] under Nicolaus the First, and under Photius. This appears evidently from a letter of Photius, who having received at Constantinople a Bishop Legate from the Archbishop of Aquileia, wrote an answer Auct. No- to him, as to a man who was wholly of his opirrion,™^;527' Father Combefis has published this letter.

CHAP. X. 80

The faith of the Churches of Italy in the tenth century.

1* ORASMUCH as this century was generally de voted to ignorance and debauchery, and very barren of authors, it will be hard for us to inform ourselves any thing in particular concerning the Churches of Italy, except only so far as we make our conjectures of it by considering the condition of other western Churches, which was as deplorable as can well be imagined. This is owned by the Papists themselves., by Caranza, Genebrard, Baronius, and many more, who describe this tenth century as a monstrous age. Tom. 2. Indeed, we can scarce expect that it should ha been better at that time, if we consider the furious wars that wasted this diocese, as well by reason of the invasion of the Huns, as by the divisions hap-

G4

88 Remarks upon the

CHAP, pening between several princes, who endeavoured to x' make themselves masters of that part of Italy, after the death of Charles the Great.

But Providence has preserved us two authors of this diocese ; the one is Ratherius, who alone might have been sufficient to inform us very exactly about the state of Italy. This Ratherius, Bishop of Verona, who, from being a monk in the abbey of Lobe, near to Liege, was advanced to the see of Verona, in the year 928, and being chased from thence in 932, was made Bishop of Liege in the year 9^4, and died in 974 ; so that he was Bishop during the most part of the tenth century.

Sigebertus informs us that the heresy of the An- thropomorphites began to appear again in the dio cese of Italy during his pontificate, and that he was obliged to write against them. And indeed we find a large digression of Ratherius upon this occasion in his first sermon of Lent. He observes, that the Priests of the diocese of Vicenza were of this opin ion, which they grounded upon the following pas- 81 sages of Scripture, Ps. xxxiii. 16. Job x. 8. and Gen. i. 26. He acknowledges, that other people of his dio cese were of the same opinion, and that they could no otherwise conceive the existence of God. He ingenuously confesseth, that this belief was grown in the minds of the people, because in the pictures and images they saw God seated like a king, on a throne, and the angels, in the shape of men with wings, arrayed in white. Behold here the happy effect of images upon an ignorant people, and what may be expected from these sort of books, which the Prophet Habakkuk so justly calls the teachers of lies.

He gives us an account in the same sermon of a very pleasant fancy of the people of his diocese: they believed that St. Michael the archangel cele brated the Mass of the second feria; whence they

ancient Church of Piedmont. 89

were persuaded, that the Mass of St. Michael, called CHAP. the -second feria, was far more excellent than any x' other Mass whatsoever. It is worth our observing, how he confutes this fantastical opinion. First, he maintains from Rev. xxi. 22. that there is no temple in heaven. Secondly, he proves, that the angels cannot celebrate Mass, because we ought not to be lieve, that the angels eat or drink corporeal bread and wine ; and that Jesus Christ is only called the Bread of angels, because they are nourished with his praises, as with food. Be it as it will, it appears very plainly, that neither this gross people, nor their Bishops, who endeavoured to disabuse them, were very well informed of the mysteries of the Church of Rome ; for otherwise, why doth not this good Bishop tell his people, that the angels were not capable of the character of Priesthood ? How could he object to them, that the angels cannot eat or drink corporeal bread and wine, but the substance of the body and blood of Jesus Christ, which exist therein in the manner of a spirit ? Is it any contra diction to suppose, that spirits may truly receive a body which exists after the manner of a spirit ? It is very plain, that though, may be, he might have embraced some of the hypotheses of Paschasius, which, through the stupidity of that people, were swallowed down by little and little, yet he did not know the whole of it. It was necessary, that Lan- franc, Guitmond, and Alger should make an end of82 licking this bear into some shape, as being but half formed by its author, when at first it was brought forth.

But not to insist longer on this, I observe two things : the first is, that this author, who had been brought up in a strange country, and who probably had brought along with him his notions from thence, seems in divers points to follow the doctrine of Pas- chasius upon this question. The second is, that not withstanding that, he doth up and down make use

go Remarks upon the

CHAP, of a number of notions and expressions, which di- X' rectly oppose and overthrow it.

p. 258. On the one hand he tells the Priests of his dio

cese, in his Synodical Epistle, Paranda cordium nos- trorum habftacula, venturo ad nos, per corporis et sanguinis sui substantiam, Christo : " We ought to " prepare the habitations of our heart for Christ, " who is to come into us, by the substance of his " body and blood."

p. 259. And on the other hand he tells us, that wicked

Priests eat the goat, and not the lamb; which is also the expression of Odo Cluniacensis, who lived at the same time. An altogether incomprehensible expression in the mouth of a man that believes tran- substantiation.

i». lei. In his treatise of the Contempt of the Canons

par. 1 . he quotes a passage of Zeno, Bishop of Ve rona, which overthrows transubstantiation. It is found in a sermon concerning Judah and Thamar, in these words: Omnium corrupt e viventium Dia- bolus pater est; et O quam non manducat verendam carnem Domini, nee bibit ejus sanguinem, in quo Diabolus per tria ista vitia, hoc est, superbiam, hy- pocrisin, atque luxuriam requiescit, licet communi- care cum Jidelibus videatur, Domino dicente, Qui manducat meam carnem, et bibit meum sanguinem, in me manet, et ego in eo. Cum et per conversionem it a hocpossit resolvi; Qui in me manet, et ego in eo, ipse manducat carnem meam, et bibit sanguinem meum. In quo enim Deus manet, et ipse in Deo,

rmodo in eo Diabolus dormire possit non video : mit vero in eo qui per hypocrisin vel elationem umbrosus et vacuus, per luxuriam existit humectus. Quid ergo manducat, quando communicat? Judi- cium si respondes, Apostolo connives, et intelligere me pariter commones, quia pro eo judicabitur, id est, 83 damnabitur, quia cum indignus existeret, Christi est ausus carnem manducare, et sanguinem bibere ; ac propterea quod debuerat illifore salvatio, estfactum

ancient Church of Piedmont. Ql

damnatio. De substantia vero corporali quam sumit, CHAP. cum sit mea nunc qu&stio, mihi nunc quoque ipsi x' loquar,ita mccumbo; cum sit enim digne sumenti vera caro, panis licet quod olimjuerat videatur, et sanguis, quod vinum ; indigne sumenti, id est, non in Deo manenti, quid sit, nedum dicibile, incogitabile, fateor, mihi; ety Altiora te ne quasieris, et profun- diora te ne scrutatusjueris, dictum put are hinc quo que mihi. " The Devil is the father of all those that " live wickedly: and O how far is he from eating " the venerable body of our Lord, and drinking " his blood, in whom the Devil